The Holocaust - Mishpacha Magazine https://mishpacha.com The premier Magazine for the Jewish World Tue, 07 Jan 2025 11:13:23 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=4.9.6 https://mishpacha.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/cropped-logo_m-32x32.png The Holocaust - Mishpacha Magazine https://mishpacha.com 32 32 We’re All Jews Here https://mishpacha.com/were-all-jews-here/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=were-all-jews-here https://mishpacha.com/were-all-jews-here/#respond Wed, 07 Nov 2018 12:29:46 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=31330 Over 70 years later, the almost-untold story of Master Sergeant Roddie Edmonds has unleashed a worldwide movement toward heroic living

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ome people struggle their entire lives wondering about their purpose in this world. Others can change the face of humanity in a matter of minutes — and no one might ever know. That’s what’s so amazing about the nearly untold story of Roddie Edmonds, an American soldier captured by the Germans toward the end of World War II, who in a split second made a decision that would save hundreds of Jews and foster inspiration for a new generation.

In a remarkable World War II story that was nearly buried together with Edmonds, this devoutly Christian US army sergeant from Tennessee refused to turn over hundreds of his Jewish soldiers even as a gun was placed to head. He was finally recognized for his bravery more than three decades after his passing in 1985, when the story of those few fateful life-and-death minutes was discovered and publicized by his son, Pastor Chris Edmonds — and has fueled a worldwide chain reaction toward acts of kindness and morally elevated choices. This Veterans’ Day, Pastor Edmonds has a lot to be proud of.

Roderick W. (“Roddie”) Edmonds was a master sergeant with the 422nd Infantry Regiment, which was shipped out to Europe in the fall of 1944. In December the troops were sent to the Ardennes forest on the Belgian-German border, where the German army launched a surprise, ruthless offensive that became known as the Battle of the Bulge. Though outmanned, the Americans managed to hold off the Germans long enough to allow General George Patton’s troops to finally come to the rescue, but that rescue came too late for the 422nd and 423rd regiments. Those who weren’t killed in the onslaught were taken to the POW camp Stalag IX-B, where they were practically starved to death: Once a day they were fed some rancid broth with a tiny piece of black bread made with sawdust.

As bad as it was for the POWs across the board, the Jewish American captives had it the worst. The Wehrmacht treated captured Jewish soldiers the same way they treated all Jews — they either murdered them or dispatched them to brutal slave labor camps, such as Berga, where the odds of survival were slim. Because of this policy, the US military warned its Jewish soldiers that, if captured, they should destroy any evidence of their religion, such as dog tags that were stamped with an “H” (for “Hebrew”), identifying documents, siddurim, or other ritual objects some soldiers carried.

After a month in Stalag IX-B, Roddie — the highest-ranking noncommissioned officer among close to 1,300 fellow American POWs — was transferred with the rest of the Americans to the larger Stalag IX-A camp near Ziegenhain, Germany, which held thousands of Allied soldiers of various nationalities. The POWs, having been starved for weeks, were marched through the deep snow with cracked, blistered feet, wearing the same lice-infested clothes in which they had been captured a month before.

Inside the gate, the soldiers were met by a pack of growling German attack dogs. The camp commandant then brought a young Russian POW forward. “You are free to go,” the commandant told him encouragingly. The Russian didn’t believe him — he knew it had to be a trick, but the Germans had actually opened the camp gates for him. After standing there puzzled for several minutes, the prisoner ran toward what he thought was his freedom. Suddenly the Germans let the dogs loose. The young Russian was ripped to shreds, as the newcomer American POWs were forced to watch. Anyone who closed his eyes or looked away was rifle-butted in the head.

“Remember this!” the commandant shouted. “This will be your fate if you don’t do exactly as we say!”

The next night, with the grisly vision of the murdered Russian fresh in the minds of the Americans, there was an announcement over the loudspeaker — only the Jewish POWs were to fall out the following morning to be counted, and any Jewish soldier who did not appear would be shot on the spot. There were about 200 Jewish soldiers in the group and each one of them knew what that “selection” meant. So did Master Sergeant Edmonds — he’d seen the Jewish soldiers separated back in Stalag IX-B when they were first captured. That night, he told the entire group of Americans under his charge, “We are not doing that. Tomorrow we all fall out.’ ”

The morning of January 27, the Americans stood together outside their barracks — all 1,292 of them. Commandant Siegmann saw that all the Americans had fallen out and was furious with Edmonds. “I am ordering you to tell only the Jewish men to line up! These men cannot all be Jews!”

Edmonds looked Commandant Siegmann straight in the eye and said, “We are all Jews here.”

Enraged, Commandant Siegmann took out his Luger and pressed the barrel to Edmonds’ forehead, right between the eyes and fingered the trigger. “You are under orders to separate all the Jews right now!” he shouted. “You will order the Jews to step out or I’ll shoot you on the spot!”

Edmonds, a staunch Methodist who had little or no contact with Jews growing up in Knoxville, calmly responded, “Sir, according to the Geneva Convention, we are only required to give our name, rank, and serial number. If you shoot me, you will have to shoot all of us because we’re all witnesses, and when we win this war, you will be tried for war crimes.”

The commander was livid, but Edmonds stood his ground. Finally, Siegmann put the gun back in its holster and stormed away. And 200 Jewish lives were saved.

Too Sick to March

Returning to civilian life, Roddie Edmonds never mentioned the incident. But then again, nor did he ever talk about how he saved the entire American group of POWs soon afterward, once the Allied forces were closing in. With the Allies on their heels, the Germans ordered the whole camp to evacuate — thousands of soldiers were to be marched out, but Edmonds knew the march through snow-covered terrain would mean the end for his starved, emaciated soldiers. The POWs could hear the fighting in the distance, someone had a radio and heard BBC reports, and they realized the Allies were close by — and Edmonds knew their only chance of survival was to wait it out until the Allies arrived.

“We’re not going,” he told his troops. “I need all you men to get sick tonight — eat dirt, grass, vermin, anything to make you sick. Tomorrow when we fall out, we go back to our barracks and tell the Germans we’re too sick to move.”

The next day, that’s exactly what happened. The German guards screamed, barked, and threatened, but in the end, they let the Americans stay by themselves as everyone else was marched out of the camp. Nearly all the POWs forced out died on the march — yet every one of the Americans who stayed put made it back home alive, after being liberated by General Patton’s troops.

After the war, Roddie Edmonds returned to Knoxville, was again shipped overseas to fight in the Korean War, and then upon his permanent return, married and eventually settled into a career in sales related to mobile homes and cable television. He passed away in 1985 as a humble, church-going man of faith, loving father, and die-hard patriot, yet never having received any official recognition, citation, or medal for his defense of the Jewish POWs. His heroism would have been buried with him, if not for some providential detective work by his son, Pastor Chris Edmonds of Maryville, Tennessee.

“We Were Humiliated” More than 20 years after Roddie Edmonds passed away, Chris Edmonds’ daughter Lauren told her father she had to do a project on a family story for her college history class. She knew her grandfather was a POW in World War II, but not a lot more than that — no one in the family knew much more than that.

“I thought it was a great idea,” Pastor Edmonds tells Mishpacha, describing the events that led to a surprising revelation, new cherished relationships, and finally, Yad Vashem’s “Righteous Among the Nations” award, Israel’s highest honor for non-Jews who risked their lives to save Jews during the Holocaust — the first such award for an American soldier, and the first such award for rescuing American Jews.

“We knew that Dad had served as a master sergeant in the army, and my mom still had the diaries he’d kept as a POW in Germany,” Pastor Edmonds says. “I was just as excited as Lauren was to go through the diaries, so we read them together. But what we found was that many things seemed to be encrypted. Dad’s descriptions were brief and to the point — just a few sentences about how they were captured and the conditions in the POW camp. He also listed the names and addresses of the men in his barracks. But many of the horrible events seemed to be written in a kind of shorthand. In fact, from the time I was a kid and asked Dad about the war, he’d just say, ‘Chris, we were humiliated. Things that are too bad to share.’ So I stopped asking.”

Lauren wrapped up her project, but for Pastor Edmonds, it was just the beginning. He wanted to know what really happened during the war, and what all the vague, shorthand references in the diary were really about. In time, he would learn the truth.

“I Googled Dad’s name and rank,” Pastor Edmonds says, “and the first result that popped up was a New York Times article about a lawyer named Lester Tanner, who had sold his Manhattan townhouse to former US president Richard Nixon after he’d resigned and left the White House back in 1973. No one wanted the disgraced president to live in their building, but when Tanner heard about Nixon’s predicament, although he was a lifelong Democrat and didn’t share Nixon’s political views, he was appalled by the blackballing and sold Nixon the property.

“In the course of that interview, Tanner told the Times reporter that he’d served in the military in World War II, was a POW in Ziegenhain, and that the German commandant would have had him and all the other Jewish POWs killed if not for their brave officer, Master Sergeant Roddie Edmonds. Wow, I thought. Dad must have done something huge — but what?”

Pastor Edmonds flipped back to January 1945 in the diaries, but all he found that might be an explanation was a mysterious entry: “Before the commander.” What was that referring to? The heroism Tanner had mentioned? Edmonds actually found Lester Tanner’s name in his father’s handwritten list of his men, and searched online for a current address.

“This was in 2012. I discovered that he was a prominent attorney in New York, still practicing at age 89. I e-mailed him and asked if I could visit him. Lester replied that same afternoon. ‘I would love to meet with you,’ he wrote. ‘I owe everything to your father.’ ”

Pastor Edmonds traveled to New York and met the man his father had saved 67 years before. Lester Tanner, who has subsequently become a dear friend (“he’s 95 today and still incredibly active”), told Pastor Edmonds that he’d originally met his father in 1943, when Lester was a new recruit and Roddie Edmonds was his sergeant. They were both captured in the Battle of the Bulge and met up again in Stalag IX-A. That fateful day in January 1945, Tanner was standing right next to Edmonds when the commandant put the gun to his head.

“From the moment your father told the commandant, ‘We are all Jews here,’ I decided that for the rest of my life, I would always do the right thing, even if it was dangerous,” Lester told Chris Edmonds. “Not a day goes by that I don’t thank G-d for him.”

Never a Bad Day

Pastor Edmonds’s reunion with Lester Tanner was not only the key to revealing his father’s heroism, it also brought him in touch with three other veterans his father had saved who were still living. “Lester lost track of Dad and never saw him again, but he kept in touch with some of the others, and we became like instant family in the last few years,” says Edmonds.

One of those men was Sidney “Skip” Friedman from Cleveland, who passed away in 2015. “Skip told me, ‘Chris, we were as good as dead in that camp. And the day we were liberated, we were reborn. Since then, I’ve never, ever, had a bad day.’

“You know, when Skip told me that, I finally figured out something about the way Dad lived,” Edmonds continues. “When he came into a room, he lit it up, and when he left, you wished he were still around. He was so encouraging, so supportive, never critical. He loved everyone, from little kids to elderly seniors, and now I understand it — back in the war, these men didn’t expect to survive, and the fact that they did gave them a new lease on life. Because of the crucible Dad had been through, every new day for him was a gift.”

Another Jewish veteran who became part of this old-new family was Paul Stern, who passed away last year. When Stern, who served as a combat medic, was captured in the Battle of the Bulge, his group was forced to march for four days straight in subzero temperatures, surviving on snow as there was no food or water. At the POW camp Bad Orb Stalag, he was first segregated together with the other young Jewish prisoners in an inner camp, where they were given lice-infested mattresses made from putrid straw and where six men shared a slice of bread and a small bowl of soup made from rotten potatoes and other scraps. Stern, however, was removed from the Jewish group and had the good fortune to be sent to Ziegenhain with the other noncommissioned officers — avoiding the fate of the other Jewish privates who were shipped off to work in Berga, the underground slave-labor munitions factory in East Germany where many didn’t survive. That’s because just weeks before his capture, he saved the lives of three enlisted men and an officer on the battlefield, earning the promotion to corporal.

“While Lester was on Dad’s left when the commandant put the gun to his head, Paul was on his right, so he was able to corroborate the exact details of what happened,” says Edmonds. Tanner and Stern became good friends in that prison camp, and after the war, even became brothers-in-law. Lester told him back in Ziegenhain, “Paul, if we ever get out of here, you gotta come to my house in the Bronx and have some of my mom’s Jewish cooking.” Paul took him up on the offer, came over for dinner, and met Lester’s sister Corrine — they were married soon after.

The other living veteran saved by Roddy Edmonds is Irwin “Sonny” Fox — the youngest of Chris Edmonds’ four new friends, who’s a sprightly 93 today. In the 1960s, Sonny Fox was a television host of the popular children’s program Wonderama, served as a game-show host during the ’60s and ’70s, and has been a longtime broadcasting consultant. Tanner had lost touch with him after the war, but the two reconnected in 2000 when Fox came back to New York to write his memoirs.

Once Chris Edmonds connected with Tanner, Fox, Friedman, and Stern, this well-heeled group felt Roddy Edmonds was deserving of the national Medal of Honor, and after learning of the story, many congressional leaders have since been behind the move for the prestigious U.S. government honor. The initial U.S. Army position, however, has been that since Roddy Edmonds was a captive and his actions were not in combat, he would not be eligible for the award. And so, congressmen from the elder Edmonds’ home state of Tennessee have introduced a bill to have Edmonds honored with the Congressional Gold Medal instead, and are waiting for it to pass the congressional committees.

Meanwhile, Yad Vashem recognized Edmonds as a “Righteous Among the Nations” exactly 71 years after his heroic action — in a ceremony held on January 27, 2016, at the Israeli embassy in Washington — in the company of Tanner, Stern, Fox, and then-president Barack Obama.

They Were All Heroes

Pastor Edmonds believes that life circumstances as well as faith-based instruction helped carve out his father’s strong moral core.

“Thomas Edmonds, my grandpa, was a strong man of faith,” he says. “Grandma died when Dad was just three — she had a goiter and there was nothing they could do for the massive swelling in her neck. Grandpa never remarried, but moved in with his sister instead, and she was the one who raised Dad. Dad, remember, was born in 1919, and was part of the generation that grew up in the hardships of the Depression. They knew how to appreciate everything in life without talking about it.”

The irony that no one knew of his dad’s heroism until he’d been gone 30 years isn’t lost on Chris Edmonds. Today, though, he’s making sure the world knows about it, although the one niggling question people always ask is: How come Roddy never told anyone?

“Well, there was certainly the factor of Dad’s characteristic humility,” the younger Edmonds explains, “but I think it was also about the nature of that generation. Today you digitally report to everyone what you ate for breakfast, but back then, those who served in the war tended not to talk about it until many years later — not until their grandchildren started peppering them with questions.
“People ask me, were they reticent because of the trauma, because they felt they were just doing their duty, or because of an innate sense of honor and humility? What I can tell you,” Pastor Edmonds continues, “is that what they experienced was traumatic and life-altering. I believe Dad specifically didn’t elaborate in his writing and left things encrypted because many of the events were too painful to talk about, although he left in enough details to realize they went through horrible times. For example, one page is just dash marks with the words ‘Jewish friends moved out’ — that happened in the first camp. He was referring to how they separated the Jews and sent them to an inner prison behind more barbed wire before they were transferred to Berga where many of them were killed or worked to death.”

Another example was the one-word entry: “Dogs.” That was a reference to the horrifying scene of the Russian being torn apart by the attack dogs.

“And it was quite amazing,” says Edmonds, “that right after watching that gruesome scene, all the Americans agreed to defy orders and fall out together with their Jewish comrades. True, Dad led the way, but he wasn’t the only hero. They were all heroes.”

But there was another piece in the diary that could shed light on the reticence of these men. “In the back of his diary,” says Edmonds, “Dad talks about his attending some kind of security briefing after their release, where the men were to make a commitment not to talk about what happened while they were overseas. At the time, the army felt any information could compromise US security and it was important to maintain a policy of secrecy. Remember, the war wasn’t over yet and the army was planning on sending those soldiers back overseas.

“Lester told me, ‘All us POWs were scared to death we’d have to go back and fight the Japanese. We were thrilled when Truman dropped the bomb, because being captured by the Japs meant you were as good as dead. When it came to warfare techniques and torture, they were the worst.’ ”

Extraordinary Choices

Pastor Edmonds has spent the last three years promoting what he calls “Roddie’s Code,” a sort of contagious movement to create awareness that it’s possible to make moral choices in everyday life, that people can choose to live differently.

“Even in those moments of danger between life and death, Dad made the lightning-quick decision to stand up for his men and confront evil,” says Edmonds. “But when people hear Dad’s story, they’re thinking he must have been a cross between John Wayne and Clint Eastwood, but Dad was an ordinary man who made extraordinary choices in extraordinary times.”

Pastor Edmonds believes that the “Roddie’s Code” initiative has succeeded in taking that inborn moral energy and pushing it forward into this weak, self-centered generation. “It crosses over all religions and faith models,” he says. “Everyone gets it. There’s a hunger out there for heroic living and real heroes — real people who do the right thing. Young people say to me, ‘Your dad really did that?’ It’s so foreign to them! So I tell them, you can be the same way, you can do it for others — it just means standing on your convictions and doing what’s right.

“Look, I know I’m just one person and can’t change the world on my own, but I believe people are receptive to this message: that whenever you’re confronted with the need to step up and do the right thing, think about Dad, and choose to defend life and decency. Tell yourself, ‘I can treat people better. I can make good choices.’ Choose to esteem others over yourself — and not just when a gun is pointed at your head. It means letting someone go ahead of you in line, opening the door for someone to go in first, taking responsibility for others. I’m praying for a movement, for people across the planet to decide to live heroic in all their choices.”

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 734)

 

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Last Voices of Kristallnacht https://mishpacha.com/last-voices-of-kristallnacht/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=last-voices-of-kristallnacht https://mishpacha.com/last-voices-of-kristallnacht/#respond Wed, 31 Oct 2018 07:25:18 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=31946 Visions of burning shuls, looted stores, smashed homes, and men carted off can never be erased. Eighty years later, eyewitnesses recall the Night of Broken Glass

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Visions of burning shuls, looted stores, smashed homes, and men carted off can never be erased. Eighty years later, eyewitnesses recall the Night of Broken Glass

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s the years go by and living Holocaust survivors become fewer, memories begin to fade and testimonies dwindle. But 80 years after Kristallnacht, for those still with us who experienced the Night of Broken Glass, the trauma is unforgettable, even as the survivors were just children at the time.

The date November 9, 1938 — nine months before Hitler invaded Poland — is often overlooked, lost in the monstrosity of what happened after. It was the night Nazi mobs across Germany destroyed more than a thousand shuls, ransacked tens of thousands of Jewish stores and homes, and sent more than 30,000 men to the early concentration camps. It was a pogrom in the classic German model: bloodlust and burning, but in a diabolically controlled way. This orgy of Jew-hatred convinced those yet in the throes of denial that fleeing Germany was the only option. Yet it also taught the Nazis that a shocked world would ultimately do nothing.

Eighty years on, I set out to record some of the last voices of Kristallnacht, getting a picture of the enormity of what happened by listening to stories from across Hitler’s Reich in Vienna, Frankfurt, and Berlin.

 

Calculated from the Start
Name: Emanuel Fischer
Born: Vienna, 1925
Escaped: via Kindertransport to England

“When we finally felt it safe enough to go out, we found the shul completely smashed up. The Nazis had taken all the talleisim and tefillin, thrown them in the courtyard, doused them with petrol, and burned the entire lot.”

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r, Emanuel (“Manny”) Fischer passed away a few months ago in Jerusalem, but not before writing his memoirs and how he witnessed Kristallnacht as a young boy in Vienna. I met him about ten years ago at Shacharis, when my tallis bag introduced us. “Are you related to the Gedalia Dovid Guttentag who looked after us refugee boys in England?” he asked, referring to my great-grandfather. Fischer was a natural storyteller, and I can still hear his feisty voice retelling his part in the most horrifying story in modern history that few will believe once the last witnesses disappear.

Although the Nazis tried to portray the Kristallnacht violence as a spontaneous reaction to the killing of a German embassy official in Vienna by a Jewish teenager and people believe this until today, Fischer indicated how untrue that version of history is.

The immediate event that preceded that night of destruction in 1938 was the German expulsion of over 12,000 Polish Jews who had been living legally in Germany, some of them for decades. On October 18, they were loaded onto trains at gunpoint by the Gestapo and taken to the Polish border, where 4,000 were allowed in. The other 8,000 were kept in the train station in terrible conditions, in stateless limbo.

One couple, the Grynszpans, who had been living in Hanover for 27 years, had a teenage son named Herschel who lived in Paris. On November 3, he received a letter from his parents and sister who were still stranded at the Polish border — and decided to take revenge on their German tormentors.

He bought a pistol, and four days later, on Monday, November 7, he took a Paris Metro to the German embassy, intending to assassinate the German ambassador. Shown in to Ernst vom Rath, a lower official, Grynszpan fired, hitting the German twice and wounding him critically.

The next day’s newspapers in Germany blamed the entire Jewish people for Grynszpan’s actions, spurring on draconian anti-Jewish measures, including banning Jewish newspapers and excluding all Jewish children from Aryan schools. Ominously, that day the Manchester Guardian reported sporadic shul burnings and shop looting in Kassel, central Germany, and Vienna.

But anti-Jewish sentiment, and even legislation, was around way before Herschel Grynszpan pulled the trigger. Since Hitler’s rise to power in 1933, the Nazis had systematically worked to “Aryanize” Germany, removing Jews from Germany’s economic, political, and cultural life in order to force them to emigrate, leaving Germany judenrein. Yet when news of vom Rath’s death reached Germany on Wednesday, November 9, the Nazis saw it as an opportunity to fuel the flames of hatred and speed up that exodus. Hitler’s propagandist Goebbels recorded in his diary the Nazi leader’s reaction: “He decides: Demonstrations should be allowed to continue. The police should be withdrawn. For once the Jews should get the feel of popular anger.”

“How ‘spontaneous’ does this sound?” said Manny Fischer, who was 13 at the time. “On the afternoon of November 9, the caretaker’s son, an SS officer, knocked on our door, before the announcement of vom Rath’s death, and asked my parents to give him any valuables they might have at home and he would return them after a few days. He also told us that after he went we should not, under any circumstances answer the door, and should keep away from non-curtained windows. We should keep to the inside room avoiding making any noise whatsoever, at least until Friday morning when he or his sister would come and get some groceries for us.”
In what would be a forerunner of the Holocaust, the Nazi paper trail showing official control of events is scant. But clearly, the word had gotten out over the Nazi grapevine that it was open season on the Jews. In young Manny’s case, they were among the lucky few to be forewarned by an SS connection.

November 10th dawned over a scene of looting across Germany and Austria, including Vienna, where only months before Jews had infamously been forced to scrub the streets. Manny Fischer lived in Leopoldstadt, the city’s Jewish district.

“On Thursday morning we saw from our windows how the people looted not only the Talmud Torah school but also the Jewish Museum situated on the top floor of the school and then set the building alight,” he remembered. “I know it is many a child’s dream to see his school burn down but I hope no one will ever see it for the same reason. When the fire brigade finally arrived, they sprayed water on the neighboring houses only and made sure that the school burned down and was totally destroyed. About lunchtime that day we heard the heavy tread of jackboots on the stairs and when they knocked on our door we heard the caretaker’s son say: ‘This is the home of one of my Jews who have left.’ We then heard them knock on other doors and take people away.” This was a pattern repeated that day across Hitler’s Reich. The emergency services worked hand in hand with the Nazi thugs; here and there, decent Germans tried to help their Jewish neighbors.

Elsewhere in Vienna, the savagery was the same. According to Martin Gilbert in his work Kristallnacht, the British consul general in Munich, Donald St. Clair Gainer, reported that the attacks were carried out by the “SA Brownshirts, most of them in full uniform. The police had obviously received instructions not to intervene. In the police station, an old Jew with white hair and beard was lying on the floor being brutally kicked by an SA man, while the regular police looked on.”

Manny Fischer talked about the fate of his shul. “When we finally felt it safe enough to go out and go to the Rembrandt Shul, we found it completely smashed up. The Nazis had taken all the talleisim and tefillin, thrown them in the courtyard, doused them with petrol, and burned the entire lot.”

I knew Mr. Fischer as a strong, optimistic man, yet a hint of the fear that he must have felt always came through in describing that Shabbos in hiding: “Naturally that Shabbos there were no challos, as no Jewish bakery could work that week, and one could not bake at home in case the aroma of the baking challos gave you away.”
A few weeks later, Manny escaped Vienna on Rabbi Dr. Solomon Schonfeld’s famous “Kindertransport,” which snatched almost 10,000 children from certain death in the Holocaust. He was one of the lucky ones to be reunited with his parents, as well. The neighbors protected them until their exit papers arrived. They arrived in Britain two days before Hitler’s bloodbath began.

Saved by a Passport
Name: Herbert Kruskal
Born: Frankfurt, 1900
Escaped: to Holland, then by prisoner exchange from Bergen Belsen

 

Name: Jacob Goldschmidt
Born: Frankfurt, 1931
Escaped: to Geneva, then via Southampton to New York

“That night the bell rang, and a Gestapo officer arrived to arrest my father, who was a member of the board at Rav Breuer’s kehillah. He pointed his finger and yelled, ‘Wo ist der Jude?!’ ”
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rankfurt, 700 kilometers northwest of Vienna, was still a bastion of Rav Hirsch’s Torah im Derech Eretz in 1938. There, over the night and day of Kristallnacht, a foreign passport saved the lives of three different families.

The passport holder was my wife’s grandfather, Herbert Kruskal. An affluent businessman and Agudah activist, Herbert Kruskal commuted to and from Holland on business freely, since his British and Dutch passports didn’t disclose his Jewish identity. In an account of Kristallnacht that he wrote in 1961, Herbert Kruskal describes how he returned from Berlin to Frankfurt on the night of Wednesday, November 9, and heard about vom Rath’s death.

The next day, he took the tram to the shul on the Friedberger Anlage, home of Rav Hirsch’s famed IRG kehillah. “When we got off the train, Hugo Bondi, a committee member at the synagogue, came toward us. ‘Gentlemen,’ he said, ‘go home. The synagogue is burning.’ Nevertheless we walked through the grounds until we were opposite the synagogue. It was burning. I believed it to be the criminal attack of a few individuals.”

As Herbert was holder of a British passport, he and his wife, Edda, made their home into a safe haven for others within the community. One of those was Henny Goldschmidt, wife of Herbert Kruskal’s friend, lawyer Dr. Salomon Goldschmidt. Their son Jacob, a longtime resident of Washington Heights, New York, was seven years old at the time. This was his account of what happened:

“What I remember of the atmosphere before we left was a newspaper headline: “Judenhas” (Jew-hatred). That night the bell rang, and a Gestapo officer arrived to arrest my father, who was a member of the board at Rav Breuer’s kehillah. He pointed his finger and yelled, ‘Wo ist der Jude?!’

“They searched the apartment and they didn’t believe that my father wasn’t there. They looked under the bed — I was watching — and they wanted to arrest my mother. They told her to get ready to go, and when they got to the elevator it seems they weren’t ordered to arrest my mother, so they sent her back home.”

With Frankfurt sidewalks littered with the glass and masonry of Jewish-owned stores and shuls, the Goldschmidts looked to the Kruskals for refuge.

“Herbert Kruskal called my father and told him to stay on in Amsterdam as there was more business,” recalled Jacob Goldschmidt. “The following morning my mother got me and my brother dressed in Shabbos clothing and we went to Frankfurt’s main railroad station to take the train to Amsterdam.”

But leaving Germany didn’t prove simple. “We took the train through Emmerich on the border with Holland, but the Dutch didn’t let us into the country,” said Jacob. “Nearby was a monastery and somehow we managed to sleep there overnight. On Sunday morning, we took a kleinbahn — something between a train and a trolleycar — to a town where my mother had a second cousin, and she put us up for the night. From there we traveled to Geneva, on a luxury train called the Rheingold, where we stayed for three months with my mother’s brother.”

The Goldschmidt family’s Kristallnacht saga ended when they sailed for New York, via Southampton, England. And six decades later, Henny Goldschmidt’s great-granddaughter married Herbert Kruskal’s grandson.

Kiddush and Tears
Name: Moshe Eiseman
Born: Frankfurt, 1928
Escaped: by train to England

“I remember them taking men to Dachau and Buchenwald. I remember they smashed up a neighbor’s apartment. He took his wife and family in the car, and a mob surrounded them”
E

ven after 80 years away from Germany, Rabbi Moshe Eiseman’s yekkish accent is unmistakable as he remembers the horrors of those hours. “That Thursday, my mother wanted to send us to school. A neighbor told her not to because the Friedberger Anlage synagogue was burning. It was actually too big to burn, so they dynamited it. And then the town council sent a letter to the synagogue heads demanding payment to clean up the mess.”

Rabbi Eiseman recalls how he and his family were hiding behind the curtains looking out onto the road. “I won’t tell you everything I saw,” he says, “but I remember them taking men to Dachau and Buchenwald. I remember they smashed up a neighbor’s apartment. He took his wife and family in the car, and a mob surrounded them. Somehow they were able to drive off, and never came back. They managed to get to America.”

The Eisemans lived in a Jewish district of Frankfurt, which Rabbi Eiseman fondly remembers as “the ghetto.” During the onslaught, their non-Jewish maid called and offered to help. Seeing that it was dangerous to stay in their apartment, Mrs. Eiseman asked her to send a taxi. The car took them to western Frankfurt, to the Kruskals’ house.

What was it like to live through those days as a ten-year old boy? “On that unforgettable Friday night, the women were shaking and I made Kiddush. They weren’t really yotzei because I was ten years old. Of course, we were all crying,” Rabbi Eiseman remembers. It was a time of terror, of fathers going into hiding, and mothers having to act normal for their children’s sakes.

By then, Rav Yosef Yonah Horowitz, the Unsdorfer Rav, who had also sought protection from the roving Gestapo at the Kruskals’ house, had told Herbert Kruskal that he should use his foreign passports to get out of the country, and that even on Shabbos he should work to try and get others out. Herbert Kruskal’s plan was to take Rav Horowitz and Mr. Samuel Eiseman over to the Rothschild Hospital where they could hide. But on Friday morning, a gang smashed the windows of a Jewish house next door, and rang the bell of the Kruskal’s house.

“We all disappeared into the drawing room overlooking the garden,” recalled Herbert Kruskal, “and my mother, who was living with us, opened the door. They shouted at her ‘Have you put up people!?’ Facing the danger, she was infused with special strength and willpower. ‘How dare you accost innocent English citizens in their house! I shall telephone our consulate immediately!’ The gang took off and went on a rampage somewhere else.”

The Kruskals escaped Frankfurt and arrived in Rotterdam, Holland, that Friday night. But it was only a temporary reprieve: In May 1940, Hitler breached Dutch neutrality and invaded Holland. Herbert Kruskal and his family managed to evade arrest for some time, but in 1942 they were arrested and sent first to the transit camp Westerbork, and then to Bergen-Belsen. Their Kristallnacht saga only ended in 1944, when they journeyed across war-torn Europe to safety in Palestine, as part of a 200-man prisoner exchange between the British and the Germans.

No One Stepped Forward
Name:  Rivkah Friedman, née Levi
Born: Berlin, 1932
Escaped: through Switzerland to Trieste, and then to Tel Aviv

“The next morning, I remember my aunt crying and telling my mother that her husband, Markus Birnbaum, had been arrested and taken to Dachau. Eventually they released him after shaving off half of his beard.”

A

s Germany’s capital city, Berlin was full of foreign reporters, yet the Nazis did nothing to hide the evidence of the violence from foreign eyes. A London newspaper of November 10, quoted by Martin Gilbert, described how “Berlin’s fashionable Kurfurstendamm was in ruins. Cartloads of broken glass and wrecked goods from the shops lay all over the roads. Fires were still burning.”

Mrs. Rivkah Friedman, née Levi, lives today in Beit Chilkiyah, a tranquil moshav between Jerusalem and Ashdod. She was born in Berlin, where a world of unparalleled Jewish affluence had already ended. Her father, Dr. Jacob Levi, was a member of the Adass Yisrael community. For a girl of only six years old, her memories of Kristallnacht are vivid.

“On Kristallnacht, the Nazis told us to get out of our rented house, and we had to move into my grandparents’ tiny flat,” Mrs. Friedman remembers. “The next morning, I remember my aunt crying terribly and telling my mother that her husband, Markus Birnbaum, had been arrested and taken to Dachau. Eventually they released him after shaving off half of his beard.”

Her father, who was prominent in the community, went into hiding in Berlin. Not wanting to worry her, Rivkah’s mother said that the father had traveled to Frankfurt, but being a sharp child, Rivkah wasn’t fooled. “It can’t be,” she protested. “Father wouldn’t go just before Shabbos.”

Kristallnacht convinced all those who had persuaded themselves over the five years since the rise of the Nazi party that things would settle down, that it was really time to leave Germany for good. From Kristallnacht to the outbreak of war nine months later, 120,000 Jews left the country — almost as many as the 150,000 who had left since 1933. The Levis were no different. “My father had wanted to leave already in 1933, but my grandfather didn’t want to go. Then suddenly my grandfather passed away, and within a month we left Germany to go to Israel,” says Mrs. Friedman.
But that was enough time to inflict trauma that remains with her until today. “After Kristallnacht, my mother forbade me to leave the house on my own. The adults were scared, but tried to hide it. But I remember, as if in a bad dream, how when we crossed the border from Germany to Switzerland at Basel, the Nazis searched all of us, including me. I felt tremendous shame.”

Unlike the later stages of the Holocaust, Kristallnacht was documented in detail by the hundreds of foreign diplomats and journalists who witnessed it on their doorsteps. On November 11th, the Times of London reported on the leading part played in the destruction in Berlin by Hitler Youth, who cried “Deutschland erwache! Juda verrecke! — Germany awaken! Perish Judah!” In Berlin, as cultured as the population was, no one stepped forward to stop the outrage: “The crowd who looked on showed a mixture of astonishment, amusement, or disapproval,” wrote the Times. Across the Atlantic, the Cincinnati Enquirer of November 13 linked the pogrom with the war clouds gathering over Europe: “Jews fined $400,000,000 by government, London hastens arms program.”

Yet the general outcry in America to Kristallnacht was so strong that the German ambassador to Washington, Hans-Heinrich Dieckhoff, cabled Berlin in alarm. His message, preserved in the Yad Vashem archives, reads: “As public opinion is being expressed, it is without exception enraged and bitter against Germany. The outcry comes not only from Jews, but equally from all quarters and classes, including German-Americans.”

But Dieckhoff needn’t have worried. Sympathy for Jews there was aplenty, but offers of help and refuge were scarce. The British government took in over 10,000 Jewish children after Kristallnacht in an operation known as the Kindertransport. But in the United States, a similar humanitarian effort failed. In February 1939, Senator Robert Wagner of New York sponsored a bill to temporarily admit thousands of Jewish children into the US until it was safe for them to return home. Their stay would not have cost taxpayers a penny because Jewish groups had agreed to assume financial responsibility for the children. Yet the bill encountered strong opposition, and a January 1939 Gallup Poll showed why:

“It has been proposed to bring to this country 10,000 refugee children from Germany — most of them Jewish — to be taken care of in American homes. Should the government permit these children to come in?” the poll asked. It was the era of country club anti-Semitism, and 61 percent answered no. In the wake of Kristallnacht, the Nazis heard the world’s response loud and clear. The free countries would defend the Jews with pious outrage and no more. The way was open for the Holocaust.

In the raging ocean of Jew-hatred that Hitler’s Reich had become, what inspired those few individual Germans to help their Jewish neighbors? On his way out of Vienna, young Manny Fischer asked that very question of his caretaker’s SS son: “They told us that not only was my father the only Jew on the House Committee but he was also the only person there who consistently fought to ensure that their parents should have decent work and living conditions.” Because of that, they promised their parents at the time of the Anschluss that they would look after the Fischers.

Beyond the German-Jewish communities of Washington Heights, London and Zurich, Kristallnacht has receded into a mere prelude to the Holocaust, dwarfed by the horror that came fast on its heels. In fact, many have questioned the continued use of the term “Kristallnacht.” It’s a word that has entered our lexicon despite the fact that it was authored by the Nazis as a mocking euphemism for what they had perpetrated. But perhaps the word’s combination of barbarity and poetry — the Night of Broken Glass — is symbolic of Nazi Germany, a nation of cultured beasts.

It took great fortitude and emunah for the survivors of the horror to go forward and rebuild, even as they were ever fortunate to escape before the gates were slammed shut. The childhood trauma of seeing their terrified parents, wrecked homes, and burned shuls never leaves, but is perhaps best conveyed in the words that a young Moshe Eiseman’s father told him, quoting from that week’s sedrah: “Hitler forgot the words of parshas Vayeira: ‘Veyirash zaracha es shaar oyvav — your descendants will inherit their enemies’ gates.’ ” And those words were indeed fulfilled, Rabbi Eiseman says. “That’s how six years later, I stood along with a million others outside Buckingham Palace, celebrating Hitler’s downfall.”

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 733)

 

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The Last Witnesses https://mishpacha.com/the-last-witnesses/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=the-last-witnesses https://mishpacha.com/the-last-witnesses/#respond Wed, 12 Sep 2018 09:45:27 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=33468 Father Patrick Desbois is on a mission to record eyewitness testimony about every Holocaust-era mass grave site in Eastern Europe. But his efforts have taken on a new urgency

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Father Patrick Desbois is on a mission to record eyewitness testimony about every Holocaust-era mass grave site in Eastern Europe. But his efforts have taken on a new urgency

 

mishpacha image
What began 16 years ago as a straightforward effort to document Nazi war crimes has taken on a new urgency. Not only is the generation that lived through the Holocaust passing away, Holocaust denial is on the rise, entrapping many young Jews who know distressingly little about their history and heritage (Photos: Yahad In-Unum archives, Brett Frager, Joelle Elbassy)

S

ome people turn to religion to escape from reality.

Father Patrick Desbois, a Catholic priest from France, isn’t one of them. For the past 16 years, he has been doggedly documenting a reality that many would like to forget or deny: the Holocaust. His goal is to document every single incident that occurred in what he calls the “Holocaust by Bullets,” the killing of Jews and Roma (Gypsies) by Nazi death squads.

To date, he has visited more than 2,000 cities and villages in Eastern Europe and interviewed some 5,800 non-Jews who witnessed the slaughter. Along the way, he has founded a nonprofit research organization dedicated to preserving and disseminating his findings, Yahad In-Unum — the Hebrew and Latin phrase means “Together, in One”; written an award-winning book; been featured on television news programs such as 60 Minutes; and been honored with a slew of humanitarian awards.

But even though he is approaching the age when many people retire, he shows no signs of slowing down or resting on his laurels. He is too haunted by yet another fear: death. Most of the people who witnessed the crimes have either already passed away or are now in their nineties. With more than a million killings still waiting to be documented, he is, literally, in a race against time.

The summer of 2018 therefore found him once again on the road, as he continued his search for the last witnesses — the frail nonagenarians who still remember, the only ones left who are able to testify about the tragic events they saw with their own eyes.

Father Desbois usually travels with a team of professional researchers, translators, and cameramen, who help him record the lengthy interviews he conducts in the field. These filmed interviews form the basis of Yahad’s Archives and Research Center (CERRESE), which can be accessed by academics conducting Holocaust-related research. But for two days in July he joined a tour to Ukraine and Poland organized by Heritage Retreats, a kiruv organization founded 19 years ago by Rabbi Mordechai Kreitenberg, which Mishpacha was invited to join as well.

While the goal of Heritage Retreats is to introduce assimilated young Jews to intensive Torah learning and open their eyes to their rich Jewish heritage, Rabbi Kreitenberg saw in Father Desbois’s work yet another way to wake up the pintele Yid in their slumbering souls.

“Our current privileged status in North America has weakened our collective memory, but Father Desbois’s work has a message that’s compelling for all sorts of Jews,” says Rabbi Kreitenberg. “If a Catholic priest has dedicated his life to uncovering truths about the Holocaust, shouldn’t we care about our Jewish heritage and history too?”

Unquiet in the Ukraine
“I knew people were being killed. I heard shooting. But I didn’t see it. It was happening behind the wall. I did see three young men who were hanging from a balcony”
—Lydia, Lviv

T

he first witness we meet is Lydia. (Yahad doesn’t publicize the last names of the people who agree to be interviewed.) Still vivacious at 90, Lydia doesn’t live in Lviv anymore. But she lived near the city’s Jewish ghetto during the war, and she agreed to return to Lviv to share her memories. A Ukrainian member of the Yahad team, Olga, translates for us.

Lydia tells us that before the war there were many Jews who lived on her street — craftsmen, doctors, and lawyers. That changed when the Germans arrived in the summer of 1941 and the ghetto was established. Because she and her family lived near the ghetto, the teenager had a front-row seat, so to speak, to the new reality imposed upon her former neighbors.

“I saw Jews leave the ghetto to go to the workshops where they made shoes and clothes. The Jews wore stars. They were young and middle-aged men. People could hear them from far away, because they wore wooden shoes, which clattered on the cobblestones.”

I try to imagine the sound of those clattering shoes in the early-morning hours. It isn’t easy. Lviv, at least in its historic center, is a picture-perfect city. The buildings, painted in delicate hues of cream, pink, and yellow, exude an old-world charm, as do the quaint cobblestone streets. The immaculate city squares are filled with people enjoying a midday meal in an outdoor café or simply soaking up the sun.

“Pictures about the Holocaust are in black and white, but I always say the Jews were killed in color,” comments Father Desbois, putting into words the dissonance that at least some of us are feeling on this first day of our trip. How do we reconcile this sunny, colorful city with the black-and-white photographs from the summer of 1941, when Lviv was the scene of several horrific pogroms where more than 4,000 Jews were savagely humiliated and killed? And how do we respond to Lydia, who saw but… did what?

Father Desbois mentions that unlike the Soviets, who usually did their dirty work at night, the Germans committed genocide in broad daylight. They wanted the local populace to see. This tactic was used to intimidate some people into silence and obedience, but in Lviv some of the inhabitants welcomed the Nazis with open arms. To understand why, we need to review the history of this area.

Lviv had been a center of Torah and Jewish commerce since medieval times. Along with periods of stability and prosperity, there were times of persecution and economic hardship. But the first decades of the 20th century were especially tumultuous and grim.

In 1914 the city, which was then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and called Lemberg, was conquered by the Russian Army, only to be retaken by the Austrians in 1915, and then captured by the Poles in 1918. Under the Poles, the city was called Lvov. However, Ukrainian nationalists claimed the city as well. Tensions between the Poles and Ukrainians grew and, as usual, the Jews were caught in the crossfire. When pogroms erupted in 1917 and 1918, more than 100 Jews were killed and hundreds more were wounded.

During the interwar years, Lvov became one of Poland’s most important Jewish centers, but more bad times were on the way. The city became part of Soviet Ukraine in 1939, and the Ukrainians living in Lviv (the Ukrainian name) were no fans of the Soviets. They were particularly bitter about the Great Famine of 1932–33, the Holodomor, when millions of their fellow Ukrainians, who had come under Soviet rule after World War I, died of starvation.

According to some historians, the Great Famine was deliberately caused by Soviet economic policy, which explains why Ukrainians welcomed the Nazis when the Germans occupied Lviv in 1941; believing they were victims of a Soviet attempt at genocide, they saw the Germans as liberators from the Soviets. When Germans accused Lviv’s Jews of having collaborated with the Soviets, some Ukrainians expressed their fury in the pogroms that killed thousands of Jews.

And what of Lydia and her family? Did they see the brutal beatings and other atrocities? What did they say when the Jews were herded into the hastily erected ghetto? Did they do anything to help their former neighbors? How did they feel about the Nazis?

Our group of about 20 frum Jews from the United States and Israel — most are children of Holocaust survivors — are eager to ask Lydia these questions and more. But Father Desbois quickly silences us.

“Either you want to investigate and find out the truth about the crime, or you want to tell her she is a bad person,” he tells us, explaining that if you make a witness feel bad, they won’t talk.

“And you cannot ask someone who lived under the Soviet Union how they feel,” he adds, referring to the fact that Ukraine only gained its independence in 1991, after the dissolution of the USSR. “You can ask only factual questions. Where were you? What did you see? It’s like you are a policeman at the scene of the crime. You don’t ask the witness, ‘How did you feel when you saw the person being shot?’ You ask only about facts.”

We therefore hold our tongues and listen to the rest of Lydia’s story. Her memories of going to Belzec to buy food: “The train station wasn’t far from the Belzec concentration camp. I could smell the odor of burning bodies.” The glimpse she got of the last day of the Lviv ghetto, when she heard shooting and saw three bodies hanging from a balcony.

We thank her, and Lydia leaves.

I don’t think it’s my imagination, a certain sense of letdown in the group. Despite Father Desbois’s admonishment, and even though we realize it’s no small thing for a 90-year-old woman to travel to speak with us, I think we were expecting something more — tears, perhaps, maybe even the words “I’m sorry.”

“My question is not, is someone guilty or not guilty,” Father Desbois insists. “Violence was already a way of life for the Ukrainians. Stalin killed a lot of people. The problem is to save the memory of the dead. There were 2.4 million Jews living in Ukraine when the Nazis invaded. More than 220,000 people were killed in just this region. There are mass graves everywhere. But no one comes to say Kaddish. In Ukraine, I would say that 75 percent of the graves have been reopened — people are looking for gold teeth, jewelry. The people know the Jews aren’t coming back.”

A Walk in the Forest

“I saw trucks arrive. I saw soldiers dig here. They were here a week, maybe more. I was five or six years old. A child could go everywhere”
—Iossyp, Lysynychi Forest

S

ome of Lviv’s Jews died in the ghetto. Others were murdered at Belzec or sent to the nearby Janowska slave labor camp to die there from hunger, disease, or exhaustion. Or they were transported by truck to the Lysynychi Forest, our next destination, where they were shot.

After we leave the comfort of our air-conditioned bus and enter the wooded area on foot, we are greeted by a blast of hot and humid air and a swarm of mosquitoes. Along the way we pass by an elderly man, who doesn’t greet us. He just stares as we continue deeper into the forest.

When we reach a certain point, Father Desbois tells us to stop. We have arrived. But where are we? There is no monument, no signpost to give us a clue.

He points to a clearing, a small area where the ground is a bit higher. It is a mass grave, he tells us — one of about 29 that he and his team have located since they began coming to this place around ten years ago. According to German and Soviet archives, between 46,000 and 92,000 people were shot and buried here. Most of them are Jews, but there are some Italian soldiers, prisoners of war, who are buried here too.

It’s up to Father Desbois to tell us the story of this place, because the witnesses he was able to locate and interview have since died. One of them, Adolf, was a teenager at the time. From a perch in a tree, he saw the graves being dug. Afterward, he saw trucks filled with Jews arrive.

Pointing to the top of a hill, where a narrow path leading downward can still be seen, Father Desbois relates what he heard from Adolf. “Most of the Jews came from the Janowska labor camp or the ghetto, and so they weren’t very healthy. There were wooden boxes so people could undress and put their clothes in the boxes. Then the Jews were forced to run down the hill to the mass graves, where they were shot.”

The shooting was done by the Einsatzgruppen, German killing squads. It’s estimated that in Ukraine alone there were some 2,000 mass shootings. The most infamous occurred at Babi Yar, where practically all of Kiev’s Jewish population — some 33,000 souls — were shot and killed over a two-day period in September 1941.

But the mass shootings were only half the story. When the Germans realized they were losing the war and would probably be tried by an international court for their crimes, they rushed to destroy the evidence, using Jewish slave laborers to open the burial pits and burn the bodies. The code name for the large-scale campaign, which lasted from June 1942 until late 1944, was Aktion 1005.

“It was terrible for the Jews who had to burn the bodies,” says Father Desbois, who located three Jews who were forced to do the work in this forest. One was Leon Weliczker Wells, who moved to New Jersey after the war and wrote an account of his experiences, The Janowska Road. Father Desbois, recalling what Wells told him in their interview, says, “The commander would say to them every day, ‘Are you happy?’ And they had to say they were happy and joke and sing. Anytime someone was tired or not happy, he was shot. Afterward, most of the Jews who did the burnings were killed.”

After the Soviets arrived, they went to the various sites and opened the mass graves. They documented their findings — there is a copy at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C. and another copy at Yad Vashem in Jerusalem — but the report is millions of pages long and some of it is handwritten. One of the things Father Desbois would like to do is have the entire report, as well as the German archives, translated into English, to make the archives more widely available to future Holocaust historians. They would also like to translate into English the thousands of eyewitness testimonies that Yahad has filmed. He estimates this translation work would cost about $500,000. Although the organization has received funding from dozens of American and European foundations, including the Azrieli, Cummings, and Rothschild Foundations, and has an “American Friends” fundraising arm, to date the focus has been on funding Yahad’s work in the field as they document the testimony of the witnesses. Translation of the material archived in their Research Center is the important and necessary next step.

Part of the reason why no one knows exactly how many people were buried in this forest — or other places — is because the German and Russian archives don’t always agree, or they’re incomplete. Yahad doesn’t open the graves they find, out of respect for Jewish law. They also don’t use ground-penetrating radar, which is not against halachah, but is very expensive. They do record the location of the graves, so other historians will be able to find them, and an interactive map of their findings is on the Yahad website. But the main work of the Yahad team is to try to fill in the gaps by interviewing the locals. Of course, not everyone is willing to talk, and no one witness can provide a complete picture of what happened.

“You must crisscross from the testimony to the archives,” Father Desbois explains. “You cannot ask a survivor what happened in a Gestapo meeting, because he was not there.” He adds that they use a lot of material from survivors, in addition to the testimony of non-Jews, to document what happened. But it is the testimony from non-Jewish witnesses that he feels is the stronger ammunition in his fight against Holocaust deniers. “If it is only Jews who talk about the Holocaust, people will say it is Jewish propaganda.”

And when he says “people,” he isn’t talking about just a few cranks.

According to a survey conducted last April for the Claims Conference, which negotiates reparations on behalf of survivors and provides them with social services, 41 percent of millennials (young Americans in their twenties and thirties) believe that only two million or fewer Jews were killed during the Holocaust. Approximately 66 percent of these young people couldn’t name a single concentration camp or ghetto. Not even Auschwitz.

And it gets worse.

A 2014 study conducted by the Anti-Defamation League, which interviewed more than 53,000 people in 100 countries, discovered that only a third of the people interviewed believe the Holocaust has been described accurately in historical accounts, with some of the doubters believing the number of deaths has been greatly exaggerated and others claiming the Holocaust is a myth. The study also found that people under 65, regardless of their religious affiliation, were more likely to believe that facts about the Holocaust have been distorted.

The decline in knowledge about the Holocaust can be attributed, at least in part, to the passage of time. For most young people, World War II is the story of their “great-grandpa,” in the words of Father Desbois; it isn’t relevant to their lives.

The increase in the number of people casting doubt on the historical record, on the other hand, can be traced to the work of Holocaust deniers, who have successfully used the Internet and social media to disseminate false information.

To help combat this growing trend of Holocaust denial and distortion, and create a new generation of Holocaust scholars, Father Desbois teaches a course at Georgetown University’s Center for Jewish Civilization about the forensic study of the Holocaust. Forensics is a discipline that collects and identifies physical remnants to draw conclusions about the “who, what, when, and where” of a crime. He and the Yahad staff also offer field courses where American and European students can meet with witnesses, as we are doing on our trip, and see some of the killing sites with their own eyes.

We retrace our steps and return to the entrance of the forest. The elderly man is still there. Apparently, he has been waiting for us. He begins to speak, in Ukrainian. Fortunately, Olga is still with us to translate.

Iossyp tells us that his family arrived at a nearby village after the war, when there was a population exchange between the Poles and Ukrainians. He saw the Soviet soldiers come in their trucks and open the graves. He was only five or six years old at the time.

He seems relieved to have shared this memory of long ago. We don’t ask how often he comes to the forest, or what he thinks about when he is there. We are beginning to think like Father Desbois and his team of forensic detectives — this is one more small piece of evidence to add to the gigantic jigsaw puzzle called the Holocaust, one more voice declaring the crimes really did happen.

Remember =The Children

“The trucks were opened, and the children started to fall down. They were falling on heads. They were falling on arms. They were all shouting and crying”
 —Zygmunt, Zbylitowska Gora

O

n the second day of the trip, we meet with two witnesses at the mass grave site near Zbylitowska Gora, a Polish village near Tarnow; Tarnow was home to 25,000 Jews before the war. Michal Chojak, Yahad’s deputy research director, serves as our translator.

Jan, the first witness, says he was forced to become part of the Baudienst labor force when he was 20. According to Father Desbois, the Nazi policy of forcing the locals to work for them is one reason the Poles don’t feel guilt. They feel they were just a tool, not the perpetrators of war crimes.

Jan spent only one day working at this killing site. Along with the other members of his team, he had to drag already dead bodies to a mass grave and assist with the killing of a truck full of Jews who were still alive. He didn’t personally witness the slaughter of Tarnow’s children. But a friend saw it and described to him how the Germans grabbed the children and smashed them against trees, before throwing their now lifeless bodies into the pit.

At the age of 95, Jan is frail and walks with a cane. But as he speaks, his face becomes animated and his words, even in translation, become more urgent. It’s clear there is something more he wants to say, something more he wants us to hear.

He describes a scene he witnessed when the Jews of Tarnow were being deported. His job was to search the now-deserted homes for valuables. Anything of value had to be given to the Germans, who shipped the items back to Germany. The locals got what the Germans didn’t want. While he was transferring the valuables to a warehouse, he passed a building where he heard some Jews screaming.

“I heard people asking for water,” he tells us. “They were suffocating inside. There was a well nearby. I decided to bring a bucket of water to the people. At that moment there was an SS officer who saw me. He kicked me, and he told me that if I do it one more time he will shoot me.”

After Jan leaves, Father Desbois explains, “You must know that in Ukraine every German commander was free to do as he pleased. He had a general order to kill Jews, but he could shoot them, suffocate them, or kill them with knives. He didn’t have to explain how he did it. That is why we have filmed 5,800 witnesses. Because after these witnesses are gone, there will be no trace of the crimes.”

The second witness, Zygmunt, was seven years old when he saw a truck filled with Jewish children pull up to this field, which was near his family’s farm. After telling us about the way most of the children tumbled out of the truck, he adds, “I don’t know what happened with one child, but he couldn’t walk. A German took him by the leg and started to drag him in the direction of the pit. At that time there was a kind of barrier that led to the field, and this German took this child and smashed his head on the barrier. The child was maybe nine or ten.”

Ever dispassionate, Father Desbois comments, “What was not resolved for me as an investigator, when I first heard testimony about this site, was how you could make children stand still and not move. You cannot put children near a mass grave and say, ‘Stand still, while I shoot you.’ The children will try to run away.”

The testimonies we have just heard resolve that question. But it raises another: How can he remain so unmoved by the stories he hears?

As it turns out, his unemotional “just the facts” veneer is not the entire story. His commitment to locating Jewish mass graves — not a usual occupation for a Catholic priest — has its source in the very strong emotional connection he still has to his now deceased grandfather, Claudius Desbois, who was a French prisoner of war during World War II. The elder Desbois was incarcerated in a prison in Rava Ruska, a Ukrainian town located near the border with Poland.

“I knew nothing about the Holocaust until I was 13,” Father Desbois explains. “No one talked. My grandfather only said that although conditions in his camp were bad, it was worse outside.”

As a youngster, Father Desbois would wonder what could be worse than being a prisoner, with little to eat or drink. Later he realized his grandfather must have been referring to the Jews. “I am certain he saw what was going on — outside the camp they shot 15,000 Jews.”

In 2002 he traveled to Rava Ruska to see the place where his grandfather had been imprisoned. When he realized there was nothing to commemorate the spot where the Jews had been murdered, he was determined to rectify the situation. How did that turn into a 16-year odyssey that has taken him all over Eastern Europe?

“I don’t know,” he says. Then he adds, “I still feel the presence of my grandpa.”

From Generation to Generation Father Desbois’s work has won him many accolades and honors, including the Légion d’Honneur (France’s highest honor), the Humanitarian Award by the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, and the National Jewish Book Award for his 2008 book Holocaust by Bullets, an account of his search for the mass graves of Eastern Europe.

Naturally, he has his critics as well. Historian Omer Bartov, for example, a professor of European history and German studies at Brown University who is considered an expert on genocide, has criticized Father Desbois for being too accepting of his witnesses’ testimony, especially when it comes to absolving them of guilt. In reply, others make the same point that Father Desbois made to us: Once you start blaming people, they shut up.

Indeed, the Catholic priest’s recurring criticism about the Jewish People’s lack of interest in visiting and setting up memorials at Ukraine’s mass grave sites has made more than a few members of our group uneasy.

In truth, his criticism isn’t 100 percent accurate. Ohalei Tzadikim, Lo Tishkach European Jewish Cemeteries Initiative, and the Association of Jewish Organizations and Communities (VAAD) Ukraine are three examples of Jewish organizations working to find and preserve Jewish cemeteries and mass graves.

Yet there is no escaping the fact that of the many Jews who come to Ukraine to daven at the kevarim of tzaddikim such as the Baal Shem Tov or Rebbe Nachman of Breslov, very few will hike out to the fields where the mass graves are located and say Kaddish. As for the hundreds of mass graves filled with ordinary and nameless Jews scattered across Ukraine and other Eastern European countries, they are mainly untended and forgotten, unless a family with a connection to the site has put up a marker.

To learn why more Jews don’t visit Ukraine, I turn to Rabbi Aubrey Hersh, a protégé of renowned British historian Sir Martin Gilbert, who has been invited by Heritage Retreats to provide a Torah and historical perspective to our group. In addition to being senior lecturer and projects director at London’s JLE, a social and educational center for young Jews, Rabbi Hersh has taken 150 heritage tours to Europe.

“If people are traveling to Eastern Europe with the intention of seeing firsthand the places where the Holocaust happened, it is very important to incorporate Ukraine into the itinerary,” Rabbi Hersh comments. “The difference between Ukraine and Poland is that for most people Poland is about the larger, more mechanized, more impersonal factories of death, where the numbers are staggering but the process was somewhat at arm’s length. In Ukraine, as in Lithuania and Latvia, the killings were face-to-face. The Jews found their end in the very places where they had lived. But there are a number of difficulties that exist — technical and historical.”

While there are a few Ukrainian cities where Yiddishkeit is thriving, such as Kiev, Odessa, and Zhitomir, in general, the tourism infrastructure isn’t as well developed in Ukraine as in Poland. This means the logistics of a kosher tour are harder to organize, and a trip can cost significantly more. An even larger problem is what Rabbi Hersh calls “the absence of a narrative.” The mass graves are scattered across the countryside. Even if a group were to make the effort to visit some of the sites, in most places there is nothing to see, other than an empty field or forest clearing.

“You often don’t know in any great depth the particular narrative of the village where the killings took place,” he says. “Unlike the sifrei zikaron that exist for large towns, you won’t find anything specific for the smaller ones. Father Desbois’s work gives a broader picture, but not all of it is available in English. All this makes it much more demanding to create a trip.”

Later in our trip, when we are having dinner in Krakow, at the site of Sarah Schenirer’s Bais Yaakov Seminary, Rabbi Hersh will address an even larger question: Whether it’s Poland or Ukraine, why are we visiting places where our people suffered and were destroyed? Why come here?

“I came to Poland once with Rav Moshe Shapira ztz”l, whose grandparents were killed in Lithuania in a mass grave,” says Rabbi Hersh, who explains that Rav Shapira was visibly distressed when they arrived at Auschwitz-Birkenau and was unable to bring himself to enter the camps. Later, when he was asked to give a shiur, Rav Shapira said he wasn’t in a frame of mind where he felt he could teach. “But he did give us one thought. Basically, he posed the question I just asked: What are we doing here? What do we hope to achieve?

“He said there is a pasuk in Sefer Devarim that tells us about how we merit the Geulah — how we merit Eretz Yisrael and the Beis Hamikdash. It says that it’s not as a result of your righteousness and your straight path that HaKadosh Baruch Hu is disinheriting the non-Jews of Eretz Canaan and giving it to you. It’s because of what they have done to you.

“So we have to be ‘mishtayech’ — we have to be linked to what has occurred to our people — in order for us to say to HaKadosh Baruch Hu, ‘Higi’a zeman. Bring us the Geulah.’ That is a reason to come to these places, to understand how deep the galus is, how much suffering we have been through, whether that galus happened to our direct ancestors or whether it happened thousands of years ago. We have an individual destiny and a national destiny. The route can be circuitous, depending on the choices we make as a nation, but our national destiny gets us from A to B to Mashiach.”

Gathering the Missing Links

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t a roundtable discussion, Father Desbois brings up a few topics that are on his mind: the new Holocaust law in Poland (“It will have a bad effect. We see that more people who don’t like the Jews feel freer to say it.”); the situation in Europe, where Jews are once again being killed because they’re Jews (“The enemies of the Jews don’t sleep. I would say that 80 percent of the planet has a positive memory of Hitler.”); the mass grave sites of the one million Jews that still need to be investigated.

“I’m the old guy, but my team is young,” he says, cracking a rare smile. Then he quickly becomes serious again. “A third of my students at Georgetown University are secular Jews and even they are beginning to doubt the scale of the Holocaust,” he says. “Because they know nothing.

“We need to prepare the new generation — teach a new generation how to investigate for themselves. The new generation won’t meet survivors or witnesses. There will only be memory and history.”

Yahad has several educational initiatives in the United States and Europe, including college and teacher-training courses, traveling exhibitions, and a website with an interactive map showing the sites of mass graves. There are, of course, many other Holocaust studies programs. But the nagging question remains: Who will be the guardians of Holocaust memory and history?

While we’d like to think it will be serious scholars in search of the truth, Dr. Manfred Gerstenfeld, emeritus chairman of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, wrote back in 2007 about the ways Holocaust memory is being distorted. He listed 11 of them, including: Holocaust Equivalence, which today we are seeing in countries like Ukraine, where some have made an equivalence between the Nazi brutality toward the Jews and the Soviet brutality toward Ukrainians; Holocaust Deflection, like the right-wing nationalists in Poland who insist Poles were also the victims of Nazi aggression and therefore shouldn’t be blamed for the crimes they themselves committed; Holocaust Trivialization, where the word “Nazi” is used to describe any politician or authority figure you don’t like and “genocide” becomes a catch-all description of any act of aggression; and Holocaust Inversion, which has been taken up by a small but noisy group of American Millennials belonging to student groups like If Not Now, who claim that Israelis are the new Nazis and they are committing genocide against the Palestinians.

“We should have hakaras hatov for the work Father Desbois is doing,” comments Rabbi Mordechai Kreitenberg, who has seen with his own eyes the toll that ignorance and apathy has taken on young Jews. “But preserving the memory of the Holocaust is only one aspect of the war we Jews are presently fighting. We have broader concerns. We have to ensure the future of Klal Yisrael as well.”

Rabbi Kreitenberg is himself the child of Holocaust survivors. Pictures of some members of his father’s family arriving at Birkenau — only his father and one uncle survived — are hanging on the walls of the Auschwitz-Birkenau museum. They also hang in Rabbi Kreitenberg’s office.

“I grew up in Los Angeles,” he says. “About 95 percent of the kids in my high school were Jewish. When I went back for my tenth-year reunion, I looked around the room and saw that no one cared that they were born Jewish or realized what a gift they had been given. My response, as an observant Jew and the son of Holocaust survivors, has been to be involved in Jewish education, specifically focusing on the unaffiliated. We have to save this generation of assimilated Jews from self-imposed obliteration.”

Heritage Retreats, the organization founded by Rabbi Kreitenberg in 2000, combines an outdoor camping and hiking experience at one of America’s gorgeous national parks with an intensive Torah learning program led by leading rabbanim. While the retreats may be only one week, Rabbi Kreitenberg says the impact is very often long-lasting. Many of the young people go on to learn in yeshivos in Eretz Yisrael and the United States.

“One young man was recently offered a six-figure job at Amazon, but he deferred it to learn in yeshivah for a year,” says Rabbi Kreitenberg, who adds that many of the earlier participants of the program are today very involved in their respective frum communities.

Five years ago, he added a trip to Poland.

“I’m always searching for tools to engage young people to explore their identity,” he says. “Possibly, as a result, they will let Hashem and Torah into their lives. I saw Poland as one of those tools.”

Many of the young professionals who sign up for the Poland trip have already done a Birthright trip to Eretz Yisrael. What does a trip to Poland add?

Rabbi Kreitenberg explains that unlike our tour with Father Desbois, which focused on the historical aspects of the Holocaust, the tour for these young people is geared toward seeing the heroic nature and perseverance of the Jewish People and the vibrancy of Jewish life in prewar Europe.

“Many have told me afterward that the trip to Poland awakened their Jewish pride — they saw how we have prevailed as a people, getting from the Holocaust to where we are today. Because of the political situation in Eretz Yisrael, the picture has become blurred and doesn’t have the same impact.

“We live in a world that is so out of focus,” he adds. “This generation has pretty much grown up with a silver spoon in their mouth. When there is so much material comfort and almost no adversity, they can lose perspective. So when you take people to a concentration camp or a mass grave, it makes them stop and think about what’s important. It creates a call to action. I’ve had a number of people say they never valued having a Jewish family, or even having kids, but after being in Poland they have a new appreciation of the value of life. It’s the same with keeping mitzvos. When they learn about how our people kept the mitzvos while under such duress, it makes them realize, ‘I should keep them too.’ ”

When asked how he would respond to Father Desbois’s charges that the Jewish People aren’t doing enough to preserve the memory of the mass graves, Rabbi Kreitenberg replies, “Father Desbois’s message that we must not forget the dead is meaningful, but his way of remembering is different from ours. His idea is about the sanctity of the place, what transpired.

“But the education I received from my rebbeim has to do with the sanctity of the person and the growth that is supposed to take place. Our response is that our remembrance of how these people died has to translate into how we are going to live our life differently.

“I once heard a shiur from Rav Moshe Shapira during the intifada about how we all had to do something. I walked up to him after the shiur and asked, ‘What should I do?’ And he said, ‘If I tell you what to do, it’s worthless.’

“You have to figure it out on your own. When I think about the sacrifices my parents and their families made during the Holocaust because they were Jewish, I know I have to do something. So for me, it’s my kiruv organization. For others, it might be making a better Shabbos, or becoming a better parent, or having a stronger commitment to ahavas Yisrael. But the Holocaust requires a response from all of us. It requires us to breathe new life into ourselves.”

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 727)

 

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Miracle after Miracle https://mishpacha.com/miracle-after-miracle/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=miracle-after-miracle https://mishpacha.com/miracle-after-miracle/#respond Wed, 21 Feb 2018 13:47:32 +0000 https://mishpacha.com/?p=44176 Who was Reb Shaya Blau a”h, and how did he save so many from the Churban in Europe?

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Who was Reb Shaya Blau a”h, and how did he save so many from the Churban in Europe?

 

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he kiddush on Shabbos morning in the Bobov shul in New York was already underway when the two guests, an older man and his son, entered and quietly took seats in the back.

The Rebbe, Rav Shloime Halberstam ztz”l, presided over the gathering of chassidim, who were Holocaust survivors like himself. Suddenly the Rebbe took note of the late arrivals.

“Shalom aleichem!” said the Rebbe heartily, rising from his seat to honor the guests, to the amazement of everyone. The chassidim glanced around and wondered why the Rebbe was according such respect to this clean-shaven older gentleman.

“Do you know who this is?” the Rebbe asked the chassidim. “This is Reb Shaya Blau. He saved hundreds, maybe thousands of Yidden from the Nazi inferno. Ich bin mekaneh zein Gan Eden — I envy his share in Gan Eden!”

Who was Reb Shaya Blau a”h, and how did he save so many from the Churban in Europe? His son, Reb Lazer — who accompanied his father to that kiddush in the Bobov shul — recounts the tale.

Reb Shaya actually got his first test of bravery not in World War II, but in World War I, as a soldier in the Austro-Hungarian army. Through the hardships of military service, he kept a warm connection to Yiddishkeit by learning from a Kitzur Shulchan Aruch he carried with him at all times.

Once, he came under enemy fire in a battle, and fell to the ground. When the smoke cleared, he saw that he had been hit — but only in the thumb, from which he was bleeding profusely. He lifted himself up, wrapped his thumb in a cloth to stop the bleeding, and decided to end his army career.

It took him two days to make it to his parents’ house, and upon arriving, he found a package addressed to them. Wondering what it was, he opened it to find his Kitzur Shulchan Aruch. Inside the sefer, the Jew who had sent it inscribed, “This is the sefer of your son Shaya. I witnessed him being shot to death.” This Jew had seen Reb Shaya fall, but by the time he was able to make his way over to him, Shaya was gone, leaving behind only the sefer.

As Reb Shaya read and reread those words, he felt overwhelmed with gratitude to HaKadosh Baruch Hu. He kept that sefer as a precious memento his whole life, and bequeathed it to his son Lazer after his passing. (The family first heard this story at the shivah.)

“It’s really the story of my father’s life,” Reb Lazer says. “It was miracle after miracle.”

Although miracles played a part, Reb Shaya wrote a large part of the story with his grit, tenacity, and ingenuity. When, during World War II, Hungary came under the rule of the fascist Arrow Cross party, and the Jews were made to don yellow stars, Reb Shaya Blau refused. With his fluent Hungarian, he managed to mingle with the fascist Nyliaskeresztes members in Budapest. He managed to trick them into making him a member.

In March 1944, the Germans occupied Hungary and ordered Jews to assemble in the town square. Reb Shaya begged his father not to go. His father listened to him, and thus was saved. Many others were much less fortunate. Shaya saw that new tactics were needed at this stage of the war.  

With the help of his fluent German, he was able to finagle a job in the passport office in Budapest. This position afforded him the ability to procure passports and false documents for his Jewish brethren — under the very noses of the Germans.

He also developed a keen sense for being in the right place at the right time, for picking up lifesaving intelligence.

“My father knew where to pick up vital information,” says Lazer. “He would walk miles to be present when plans were discussed. As soon as he heard the name of the town they were planning to raid, he raced there to wake up the Jews and warn them to escape.”

One day Shaya came home to find his father missing. His mother’s clouded face said it all: “The Nazis took him away.”

Shaya learned that his father had been sent to the train station to be carted off to a death camp. Reb Shaya hurried to the train station in his uniform, his boot heels ringing against the pavement as he strode through the milling, despondent crowd, searching for his father. Finally, he spotted his father, grabbed him, and began dragging him away.

“Verfluchtener Jude! Accused Jew!” Shaya spat, as he started to kick and beat him.

Reb Shaya’s father did not recognize this fascist who was accosting him and was shocked, to say the least, to be receiving this “special treatment.”

“Where are you taking him?” demanded a towering SS commander, who stepped into their path.

“Leave this Jude to me!” Shaya guffawed. “I have an account to settle with him and want to have the honor of finishing him off.”

He hustled his father away from the train station and saved his life.

Reb Shaya obtained a three-wheeled motorcycle and immediately set about saving lives with it. He would pick up a dozen loaves of bread daily from the bakery and hide them in the sidecar under mounds of rags and then shuttle them over to the Jewish Ghetto. When the German guards asked what he was carrying, he would reply, “Laundry,” without batting an eyelash.

He worked out an arrangement with his mother whereby he would throw the bundle of bread loaves out of the sidecar, and she would surreptitiously bring them into her house. Then, she meticulously cut the bread and distributed enough slices to sustain 40 to 50 families. Although Shaya’s siblings begged that she save something aside for the family for the next day, she assured them that Hashem would provide what they needed, devar yom b’yomo.

One time Reb Shaya was able to procure a huge sack of beans. His mother lit a massive flame using old book covers from the library to boil those beans. Every person in the ghetto received 15 beans.

After a while, the Nazis caught on to Shaya’s schemes. They saw, for example, that the towns they raided had few or no Jews. Something did not add up. They started suspecting someone in the bureaucracy. After five or six times, their suspicion fell on Reb Shaya Blau in the passport office.

One day they pounced upon Reb Shaya and beat him mercilessly. They interrogated him and then beat him some more. When he felt that he was at his breaking point, a tall, muscular Nazi walked into the office.

“Leave him alone!” he barked. “I’ll finish him off myself!”

The Nazi smacked Shaya in the face and violently threw him out of the office, onto the pavement. Mustering strength he didn’t know he had, Shaya picked himself up and ran for his life. Miraculously he escaped and made his way home — but he suffered from a pronounced limp the rest of his life.

The Blau family chesed still found outlets after the end of the war. Dovid and Rivka Blau, Shaya’s parents, took many orphans under their wings, and tried to give them the most honorable weddings possible under the dire circumstances. They accompanied perhaps 20 couples to the chuppah, and continued to provide love, support, and care even after the wedding. Once an elderly Jew stopped Reb Lazer in the street and told him, “I was a yasom after the war. I had nobody. Reb Dovid and Rivka Blau made my wedding happen and supported me. I’ll never forget it.”

Late in life an extended illness forced Reb Shaya to stay in the hospital. Admiring nurses and doctors learned of his activities during the war and went out of their way to give him the royal treatment. They knew how much he invested to save so many lives and wanted to repay him in kind.

The fruits of his efforts continue to multiply to this day: The four brothers and a sister whom he saved grew up, married, and brought children and grandchildren into the world — more than 200 descendants in all. Thousands of other people alive today throughout the world are davening, learning Torah, and performing mitzvos in his zechus.

His neshamah should have an aliyah and in his zechus we should see the yeshuah bimheirah v’yameinu.

 

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 699)

 

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Tunnel to Life https://mishpacha.com/tunnel-to-life/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=tunnel-to-life https://mishpacha.com/tunnel-to-life/#respond Wed, 21 Jun 2017 05:00:00 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=15437 Facing certain death, the inmates took the only tools they had — spoons, plates, screwdrivers, their bare hands — and started digging. Could they possibly fashion a tunnel that would lead to freedom from the Nazis?

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Facing certain death, the inmates took the only tools they had — spoons, plates, screwdrivers, their bare hands — and started digging. Could they possibly fashion a tunnel that would lead to freedom from the Nazis?

 

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Did the desperate members of the Burning Brigade really elude their Nazi tormentors by crawling to freedom on that last night of Pesach in April 1944? In 2016 an international team of archeologists came to Ponar to find out. Armed with up-to-date alphabet-soup-sounding equipment such as GPR and ERT they began the laborious process of testing the soil searching for telltale inconsistencies that might signal the tunnel’s presence below the earth. Suddenly a ghostly figure appeared amidst the trees an elderly woman who seemed to know exactly what these archeologists were looking for. (Photos: Lior Mizrachi Ezra Wolfinger for NOVA)

F

or decades the escape tunnel at Ponar Lithuania had largely been the stuff of legend.

In the thick of the Second World War Jewish members of a forced-labor brigade had supposedly dug the tunnel using spoons screwdrivers and even their bare hands. They were members of the so-called Burning Brigade dozens of Jews assigned to the cruel and grisly task of exhuming and burning the bodies of more than 70 000 Jews who had been executed at Ponar outside Vilna by the Nazis.

But did the tunnel really exist? Did the desperate members of the Burning Brigade really elude their Nazi tormentors by crawling to freedom on that last night of Pesach in April 1944?

In 2016 an international team of archeologists came to Ponar to find out. Armed with up-to-date alphabet-soup-sounding equipment such as GPR and ERT they began the laborious process of testing the soil searching for telltale inconsistencies that might signal the tunnel’s presence below the earth.

Suddenly a ghostly figure appeared amidst the trees an elderly woman who seemed to know exactly what these archeologists were looking for.

“I was a partisan in 1944 ” she told them. “I was the one who received the escapees. The Germans had radioed that they were looking for them and they’d give a reward to anyone who found them. So we went out to look for them.

“After three days we found them — they were in two groups — and brought them to the partisan camp. No one could stand next to them because they smelled of death. Until today I can still smell them. The first thing we did was burn their clothes. But even their skin smelled of rotting bodies.”

The Road to Ponar

“Many roads lead to Ponar but no road leads back” wrote Yiddish author Shmerke Kaczerginski in 1943. His lyrics for the song “Shtiler Shtiler” (“Quiet Quiet”) composed by Aleksander Volkoviski was written in memory of the mass murders committed at Ponar and became one of the Holocaust’s best-known songs.

Kaczerginski and Volkoviski were both born and raised in Vilna and witnessed the destruction of the city’s Jewish kehillah a community that could trace its roots back to the Middle Ages. One of the Jewish world’s most important centers for Torah study since the 16th century as well as the home of the Vilna Gaon Vilna was affectionately known as the Jerusalem of Lithuania. Its famous Shulhoyf (synagogue courtyard) housed not only the Great Synagogue but also twelve other synagogues the offices of communal institutions such as the beis din and chevra kaddisha a bathhouse and mikveh kosher meat stalls a library and even a prison. Vilna was 40 percent Jewish before the war and in addition to the Shulhoyf there were more than 100 synagogues as well as many yeshivos serving the city’s prewar population of approximately 70 000 Jews.

After the Nazis occupied Vilna in July 1941 German troops aided by their Lithuanian counterparts began to transport Jewish men to the Ponar forest located about six miles south of the city and shoot them. In September 1941 the Germans liquidated a ghetto they had established in Vilna for those who couldn’t work and these Jews were taken to Ponar and executed as well. By the end of 1941 more than 40 000 Jewish men women and children had been murdered there.

Before the war Ponar had been the site of a holiday resort. But the forested area was also the site of almost a dozen 20-foot-deep pits dug by the Red Army to store fuel tanks for a nearby airfield. When the Germans took over they turned these ready-made pits into mass graves. Eyewitnesses have described the victims’ final hour: After the Jews were transported to Ponar they were forced to undress and then blindfolded with a piece of cloth ripped from their clothing. Walking single file with one hand on the shoulder or arm of the person before them they were led to a pit in groups of 10 or 20 and shot. After the bodies fell into the pit a thin layer of sand was shoveled over them. Then the next group was led to the pit and murdered.

The Nazis continued to use Ponar as a killing field during the following year. When the large ghetto in Vilna was liquidated in September 1943 many of the Jews were brought to Ponar and murdered. Tens of thousands of Poles and Soviet prisoners of war were also murdered there. But by the end of 1943 the tide was turning. With Soviet troops advancing the Germans decided to cover up what they had done. But how does one destroy the silent testimony of nearly 100 000 victims of Nazi atrocities?

The Burning Brigade “The Germans decided to burn the bodies that were buried there,” explains Dr. Jon Seligman, director of the Israel Antiquities Authority’s Excavations, Surveys & Research Department and a member of the international team that went to Ponar in 2016.

Despite his having been interviewed many times about Ponar, his calm professional demeanor can’t quite hide the emotions being stirred up by having to recall yet again what happened in that gehinnom. While his grandparents left Lithuania for South Africa before the war, many members of his extended family remained. “Knowing that my grandfather’s siblings and their families had been murdered at Ponar, I wasn’t enthusiastic about working there,” he admits.

But he does feel a need to speak about what happened there, and so he continues, “They brought to Ponar Jews who were captured in Vilna after the liquidation of the main ghetto — 76 men and four women. The women were there to cook. Most of them were Jews who had lived in Vilna or the surrounding areas, but some were Red Army soldiers who had been taken prisoner and who were suspected of being Jewish.

“They had to dig up the bodies, which the Germans, in their methodical way, counted one by one. The bodies were piled up on pyres and burnt. There were usually 1,000 bodies on the pyre, and the burning would take a number of days. The ashes and bones were then ground up and mixed with sand, which was distributed throughout the forest. That was the process.”

The Jews assigned to this gruesome task became known to historians as the Burning Brigade. They lived at the site, “home” being one of the already emptied execution pits. A ladder was let down in the morning, so they could climb out of the pit and begin their work; at night, after all the prisoners had returned to the pit, the ladder was removed. In addition, their legs were shackled, making it impossible to climb out of the pit and escape during the night.

The kitchen was also in the pit, and unlike many others who worked in Nazi slave labor camps, the members of the Burning Brigade were well fed. They were also supplied with alcohol and cigarettes. The reason for the generous rations was simple: The Germans wanted the work done quickly, and they knew the prisoners would work faster on a full stomach.

Yet the group had no illusions about what would happen to them after they finished their work in the pits. They knew too much. Therefore, they would be executed and burned too.

“They decided to build a tunnel to escape,” says Seligman. “They didn’t have tools, so they used things like spoons. Because the soil there is very sandy, they were able to dig.”

They were fortunate that one of the group, Yuli Farber, had been an engineer in the Red Army. He designed the tunnel, including the wood scaffolding used to support it so it wouldn’t cave in. Because the lack of air was a problem, they had to keep changing the team that was digging inside — one person dug, while the other removed the dirt from the tunnel — a process that went on throughout the night. Lack of light was yet another obstacle. They had candles, but they kept going out.

“One of the prisoners, Yitzchak Dugin, was an electrician by trade,” Seligman continues. “He was the electrician for the whole camp. There was lighting in the kitchen. He managed to get hold of pieces of wire and, connecting them to the wires in the kitchen, was able to bring light into the tunnel.”

The group’s objective was to dig a tunnel from their pit to the adjacent one, which had already been emptied. From there they planned to make a run for the barbed wire fence that surrounded the camp. On the last night of Pesach, April 15, 1944, they were ready to put their plan into action.

“They divided themselves into groups,” Seligman explains. “The order of who left first was determined by how much effort the person had put into digging the tunnel. Once they were inside the tunnel, they filed off their chains. Then they went running toward the fence, but somebody stepped on something that made a sound and the Germans opened fire in all directions. Of the 80 people who were supposed to go through the tunnel — and we’re not sure how many actually managed to do it — we think only 12 or 15 made it outside the camp. Only 11 survived the war.”

The Stench of Death

Most of those who escaped went to fight with the partisans, whose hideout was in the forest. After the war, most of the survivors went to Eretz Yisrael, although one, Shlomo Gol, eventually settled in Florida, and Yuli Farber went to live in Moscow. The children of some of the survivors were recently interviewed for a documentary about the Ponar escape tunnel produced by NOVA, a science television program, which was broadcast on PBS in the spring of 2017.

Chana Amir, daughter of survivor Motke Zeidel, said that what she remembers the most about her father was that he was always washing his hands. She recalls her father telling her, “We were stinking from the smell of the bodies. And we ate with the hands that we worked with on the bodies, like we were animals.”

But Zeidel, who was the youngest member of the Burning Brigade and who was number five in line to escape, had also used his hands to dig away the sand, when there was no spoon or other utensil available. “After a whole day of burning the bodies, he went into the tunnel to dig,” says Amir.

Zalman Matzkin, another member of the Burning Brigade, had the harrowing experience of discovering his dead wife’s body among the corpses he had to dig up and burn. His son, Chaim Matzkin, thinks his father might have seen the bodies of his two children, as well.

The elder Matzkin told his son about Ponar and the family he had had before the war when Chaim Matzkin was in high school, telling the teenager, “You need to know.” Thus, Chaim learned about how his father, along with the others, was first ordered to chop down trees in the forest — without being told why. It was only after the Germans ordered them to exhume the bodies and burn them on the pyres constructed from the logs they had previously cut down that the prisoners, realizing they would be murdered in the end too, began to desperately make plans to escape.

After discussing several alternatives, it was decided that their best chance lay with digging a tunnel out of their pit. Not everybody was happy with the idea. “They didn’t think that it would succeed,” says Chaim Matzkin, recalling his father’s words. “But there was a smaller number of people who decided that was the only way. And he said the more they dug, the more people joined.”

The elder Matzkin recalled using his spoon and plate to dig. Others mention also using a screwdriver or whatever small implement they could find. But time was running out. Soon there would be no one left to burn, except themselves.

“They were looking for the darkest night,” says Matzkin. “And the darkest night was on the seventh day of Pesach.” Having decided that this would be the day of their escape, they waited for sundown. Although none of them were religious, one of them knew some prayers, “… so they prayed together with him.”

But just seconds later the Germans started shooting. “There was light like midday… There was so much light, they didn’t know where to run.”

Zalman Matzkin was shot in the leg. But like Motke Zeidel, he was able to make his way to the partisans.

How did the prisoners manage to dig a tunnel for more than three months without the Germans noticing anything amiss? For one thing, what did they do with the dirt they removed?

According to Avraham Gol, his father, Shlomo Gol, was the liaison between the prisoners and the Germans. Shlomo Gol asked the Germans for lumber to place around the walls of the pit where the prisoners lived to make the pit more livable. The Germans agreed. The prisoners left a separation between the original walls and the new ones that was large enough for them to dump the dirt they had removed from the tunnel.

When Avraham learned about his father’s leadership role during the war, he says he was surprised. The father he knew was a withdrawn man, saddened not only by what he had experienced at Ponar, but also by memories of an entire world that was lost. Shlomo Gol could recall the Yamim Noraim at Vilna’s Great Synagogue, when, he said, people would be standing outside, circling the synagogue, and praying in unison with those seated inside. “He said it was some sight to behold,” says Avraham. “My father felt that it was completely lost. He said the Germans seemed to destroy it completely.”

Out of the Ashes

Seligman’s work in Lithuania has its roots in a 2013 trip, when he and his father visited places associated with their family. “We’re from the shtetlach, not the big city,” he explains. “We visited places located in the triangle that is now Belarus, Latvia, and Lithuania. We also visited Vilna, of course, and I saw they were doing investigative work on the Great Synagogue, which had been partially destroyed by the Germans and demolished by the Soviets. I made contact with Dr. Zenonas Baubonis, the Lithuanian archeologist in charge of the work, and I told him this sounded like it could be a great opportunity to do a joint project. We obviously have an interest because of the past of the place, and the Lithuanians have an interest because they’re the present custodians of the site.”

Seligman returned to Vilna in 2015, this time not as a tourist but as an archeologist. Along with Baubonis and Professor Richard Freund of the University of Hartford, Seligman used Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) to better understand the underground space of the synagogue, as a preliminary to doing more excavations. Because an elementary school stands on about 60 percent of what once were the Great Synagogue and Shulhoyf, they couldn’t just take out shovels and dig.

“GPR sends radio waves into ground,” Seligman explains. “When it hits an object, the wave bounces back like any other radar and then you can read the signal — which requires interpretation. The interpretation of the signal requires professionals, and even then it’s a matter of speculation of what it all means.”

While they were exploring the underground remains, the team was contacted by the Vilna Gaon Jewish State Museum, which maintains a small museum at Ponar. In 2004 Lithuanian archeologists had done work in the pit that housed the Burning Brigade and discovered an entrance to … somewhere. But the archeologists couldn’t find the rest of the tunnel. And so the doubts about the tunnel’s existence persisted. Perhaps a new team of archeologists would have more luck.

Seligman and the rest of the archeological team chose to work with non-invasive equipment, rather than shovels and picks, to preserve the sanctity of the site. They therefore came equipped with their GPR sensors, along with another relatively new technology, Electrical Resistivity Tomography, or ERT.

“Basically, all the techniques we used come from ones developed for mineral and oil companies, because that’s where the money is and the equipment is very expensive,” says Seligman. “In the pictures it looks like the team members are wearing ordinary backpacks, but each one of them has $200,000 worth of equipment inside.

“The idea of ERT is to put electrodes into the ground, in a line, and pass electricity through the electrodes, which then go into the ground. This judges the resistivity of the soil — in other words, where there is resistance to the electrical current. You’re looking for differences in the composition of the soil, for example, differences in humidity.”

And find differences, they did. According to Seligman, when the ERT results of the Ponar pit that housed the escapees were fed into their computer program, “The tunnel came up immediately. It was very, very clear because the consistency of the soil within the tunnel was different from the background. The soil had been disturbed and so it was different.”

Moving their equipment from place to place, they could map out the entire path of the 100-foot-long tunnel.

“It was very exciting,” Seligman recalls. “It was every emotional as well.”

The New York Times agreed, proclaiming the story the scientific discovery of the year. “I think it got this attention for two reasons,” says Seligman. “First, it’s an amazing human story. Second was the utilization of scientific techniques and seeing how they produce results. If we had discovered a tunnel used by a badger, for instance, no one would have been excited. But because of the nature of the story, it generated a lot of interest.”

That interest helped Seligman locate Chana Amir, who left a comment on an online article about the tunnel and later introduced him to the families of some of the other survivors. “Having contact with the families gave faces to the story — not only the faces of the escapees but also the children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren who wouldn’t be alive if not for the escape. It made the story very human.”

 

The Road Back

While Seligman returned to Vilna this summer to continue work at the Great Synagogue, he says there isn’t yet a decision about excavating the escape tunnel at Ponar. “That’s the decision of the custodians of the site, the Vilna Gaon Jewish Museum,” he says.

There was a tragic ending to the Ponar story, he adds. “After the escape, the Germans brought other Jews to finish the work. It made a difference for the 11 who survived the war, but it didn’t stop what the Germans were doing.”

Whatever his feelings about possibly excavating a site that evokes so many strong emotions, Seligman seems happy to have played a part in vindicating the testimony of the survivors of the Burning Brigade. And when he pulls up a photo on his computer screen of the Burning Brigade at work — the only one in existence, to our knowledge — he points to a man in the photo like he’s a long-lost friend.

“The stories of the escapees tended to repeat themselves,” he comments. “‘I was found in the ghetto. I was taken to prison. Then I was taken to the camp.’ But the story of this person, Avraham Blaser, is unusual. He escaped from Ponar twice.”

Blaser first arrived at Ponar as a Jew about to be executed. But even though he was shot, he wasn’t killed. He managed to crawl out of the pit and he returned to the Vilna ghetto, where his wife and child remained. Since he was officially dead, he no longer had the all-important work permit that often meant the difference between life and starving to death. But somehow the resourceful Blaser managed. And when the ghetto was being liquidated, he managed to hide his family with a gentile friend living in Vilna. Then for some reason Blaser returned to the ghetto, where he was captured and brought to Ponar a second time, this time as one of the Burning Brigade.

“Blaser was one of the escapees,” says Seligman, “but he didn’t stay in the forest with the partisans. He went back to Vilna, and he was very much a cat with nine lives — on the way he stepped on a mine that didn’t explode — and found his wife and child. They all managed to survive the war. They went to Israel in 1950, where they had one more child. He passed away in 1953.”

Who shall live and who shall die? It may be months before Rosh Hashanah, but you can feel the question hovering in the air.

“And you wonder,” as Avraham Gol remarked about his father and his friends, the other escapees from Ponar, “… after what they had gone through, how could they even think that there would be some kind of normalcy left for them?”

But rebuild their lives they did, a testimony to the inextinguishable spark that burns within every Jewish soul.

(Originally featured in  Mishpacha Issue 665)

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A Scarred Inheritance https://mishpacha.com/a-scarred-inheritance/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=a-scarred-inheritance https://mishpacha.com/a-scarred-inheritance/#respond Wed, 08 Feb 2017 03:00:00 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=13463 Children of Holocaust survivors grew up with adults possessed of unimaginable courage and determination. Yet many of them carry with them the scars of the past

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Children of Holocaust survivors grew up with adults possessed of unimaginable courage and determination. Yet many of them carry with them the scars of the past

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“Similar to radioactive waste the emotional trauma cannot be seen or detected. It remains hidden in the dark abyss of the unconscious with its toxic and hazardous influence threatening the health of humans for hundreds of years” writes Dr. Natan Kellerman

S

o close to greatness yet burned at times by the pain the second generation still lives under a cloud of fear and foreboding:

“I was glad that I was a chubby kid because I knew the skinny kids would die first if the food ran out.”

“When I chose my wife I wanted someone who I felt would be able to run away from the Nazis when the time came someone who was strong physically and emotionally who could shoulder the burden of caring for children in a difficult time.”

“Any change in the political world almost anything in the news will have me frightened and fearing for my children’s safety.”

Chilling words that describe trauma stress perhaps even a certain paranoia about the world. The composers of these sentences are clearly fearful — of the unknown of forces beyond their control. They are it seems constantly living and reliving a horrific episode one that occupies their thoughts and pulls at their hearts.

These expressions could have easily been spoken by Holocaust survivors but they were not. These are the thoughts and fears of children of Holocaust survivors men and women who did not live through the war and may have been born decades after its end. Many of these second-generation survivors as they are called grew up in affluent homes have achieved academic or financial success and lead seemingly normal productive lives.

And yet something gnaws at them. It is the feeling as one second-generation adult explained that things are just on the verge of chaos that in the next moment the world will erupt again in a spasm of war and violence and that they will be on the run — like their fathers and mothers before them.

Who are these children of survivors and what are their particular characteristics? Is it fair to single them out as a group or are they really just like everyone else? Is it possible that in the words of one doctor their parents’ headache has become their own?

Yes and No

Dr. Irit Felsen a licensed clinical psychologist with a private practice in New Jersey has dedicated her life to understanding post-traumatic stress disorder and the effects of the Second World War and the Holocaust on the children of survivors.

The daughter of two survivors Dr. Felsen runs a monthly discussion group for second-generation children in Brooklyn organized by the Bikur Cholim Chesed Organization.

Her experience has led her to conclude that some of the children of survivors have internalized the anxieties of their parents but also have been given an extra push to succeed.

“Some of the offspring of Holocaust survivors have been observed to have lower self-perceptions of independence and self-sufficiency but higher achievement motivation and higher self-criticism than non-Holocaust related peers” says Dr. Felsen who is also an adjunct professor of psychology at Yeshiva University. “Some studies of children of survivors show elevated levels of anxiety and depression however these remain within the ‘normative–high range ’ reflecting an absence of serious psychopathology.” Clinical interviews with children of survivors often include descriptions of nightmares deep-seated anxiety and echoes of their parents’ trauma in their own lives.

On the flip side although “second gens” may be more susceptible to certain psychological difficulties Felsen notes that they also display a generally greater compassion and empathy for humanity. Her data indicates that many second gens have chosen careers in the social services.

Dr. Natan Kellerman an Israel psychologist and one of the founders of Amcha (an Israeli support organization for Holocaust survivors) addresses the difficulty of defining the maladies of the second generation in his book Holocaust Trauma; Psychological effects and Treatment.

“How does transmission of trauma occur? How can trauma be transmitted from one generation to another? At first glance the concept of transmission is difficult to grasp. It is as if saying that someone’s headache is caused by the fact that his father was hit on his head by a stone some 50 years ago.”

Indeed Kellerman confirms the headache is very real. He uses the analogy of a nuclear bomb to make his point.

“Like a nuclear bomb that disperses its radioactive fallout in distant places even after a cruel explosion any major psychological trauma continues to contaminate those who were exposed… in the first second and subsequent generations. Similar to radioactive waste the emotional trauma cannot be seen or detected. It remains hidden in the dark abyss of the unconscious with its toxic and hazardous influence threatening the health of humans for hundreds of years.”

Unlike Kellerman’s hidden influences some markers for trauma can in fact be detected and measured. Researchers now study how external or environmental factors can actually change the cells that send messages to the DNA. “Epigenetics” is the scientific theory that offspring can inherit the altered DNA of parents that was modified by events or trauma that the parent experienced.

In 2000 Dr. Rachel Yehuda and her associates reported in the American Journal of Psychiatry that low cortisol levels (the stress hormone that helps the body return to normal after trauma which can plummet when the stress response is overactive) in adult offspring of Holocaust survivors appeared to be a factor in a greater risk for PTSD. In fact comparable results were found in studies of cortisol level in post 9/11 subjects.

More recent studies by Dr. Yehuda — who is a professor of psychiatry and neuroscience at Mount Sinai School of Medicine — found the same lower levels of cortisol in descendants of Holocaust survivors. Yehuda explains that “this adaptation makes sense: Reducing enzyme activity keeps more free cortisol in the body which allows the liver and kidneys to maximize stores of glucose and metabolic fuels — an optimal response to prolonged starvation and other threats.”

Epigenetic changes Yehuda points out “often serve to biologically prepare offspring for an environment similar to that of the parents.” Ironically for post-Holocaust offspring although the environment is one of plenty the body continues to assume stress and food deprivation and releases these hormones. This could then make children of survivors who now enjoy an abundance of food possibly more likely to suffer from obesity diabetes heart disease and even PTSD.

Dr. Yehuda stresses that the study of epigenetics in this area is just beginning and these recoded molecular changes cannot be definitively linked to greater risks or benefits.

It is beyond doubt however that children of Holocaust survivors are the recipients of varying degrees of emotional and even physiological inheritance.

Talk It Out

Perhaps that’s why they come to a monthly discussion group, officially called, “Survivor Families; Our Parents, Ourselves, Our Changing Lives,” that meets in the century-old Boro Park YMHA. Funded by a grant from the Jewish Federation’s Center for Advancing Holocaust Survivor Care, the goal of the group, which has been meeting since May — is to aid the adult children of the survivors by giving them insight into their own and their parents’ lives.

The medium-sized room is filled with 60 to 70 chairs set up in a semicircle, creating an informal mood. In the back corner there is a table with coffee, pastries, and drinks. As the hour nears, men and women of all ages start trickling in. They are religious and not, younger and older, some attired in business suits and others in post-work out sneakers.

There is a chorus of warm hellos and greetings as Dr. Felsen, the group’s facilitator, enters with her briefcase and material in hand. In addition to her private practice in New Jersey, Dr. Felsen is a member of the Yale University Trauma Study group and contributes to its Genocide Studies Program.

Today’s topic of discussion is the particular strengths of children of Holocaust survivors, along with the known challenges. In Dr. Felsen’s words, the “keen sense of the precarious and fragile nature of life, associated with elevated anxiety… is also associated with a unique appreciation of the preciousness of life….” What is called “post-traumatic growth,” or a capacity to appreciate life, she says, has also been shown by research to coexist with post-traumatic symptoms and in fact, has been found to correlate with them.

Today, Dr. Felsen shows a clip of a Holocaust-themed movie in which a clearly warm and loving father suddenly lashes out at his young son for throwing out a half-eaten apple. “That we could have lived on in the camps!” he says, his eyes bulging and his son bewildered.

Everyone in the room is silent as the sadness of this scene sinks in. There is a murmur of recognition, and some express how familiar it feels — both the inordinate concern over wasted food and the unpredictable and sudden change of mood based on a triggered memory.

That unpredictability, along with the guilt of shouldering a parent’s difficult past, often stripped children of survivors of their own emotions. Gathered in the YMHA decades later, many admit that they still have trouble accessing and expressing their feelings.

Sheila Cohen, a speech therapist who grew up in New York, says that she avoided complaining about any difficulty, lest her survivor father respond: “You call that suffering? Try standing in the snow without shoes for hours.”
Chaya Klein, a child of Holocaust survivors who grew up in the Midwest, echoes Cohen’s feelings. “My mother cared for us but I always felt that they were very fearful of not having enough so I never asked them to buy me anything,” she explains. “When I got married, my husband couldn’t understand how I would worry if I spent an extra ten dollars on a dress and would consider returning it several times over.”

Klein says that she had great admiration for her mother, who she describes as caring deeply about others, “but there were moments when she seemed to be in a distant place, which could be frightening.”

Miriam remembers the emotional struggles of her mother, who was very young when the war broke out and spent the duration of the war years in an orphanage. Her father, who was also a survivor, protected her mother and held the family together. In fact, he built a successful business, starting out with a candy stand and creating an empire.

But much as her father tried to heal, the scars ran deep. Miriam’s eldest brother went to school on the West Coast and “never came back.” She and her sister remained close to their parents, working in the family business. Miriam was divorced and married a second time. She admitted that in her first marriage, her husband complained that she was remote and unable to connect emotionally.

Dr. Felsen explains that survivors and their children became very good at “steeling,” the capacity to work hard and postpone gratification and ignore discomfort and difficulty, despite physical and psychological distress. That skill was necessary for survivors to withstand the horrors of the Holocaust and succeed in building entirely new lives. Those same skills were transferred to the children of survivors, who never experienced the horrors of war.

Macabre Club When they describe their childhoods, many second-generation adults say they feel as though their families belonged to an exclusive “club” with its own unique language, experiences, and vernacular that marked them as different from the average American.

Dr. Miriam Schnell is a popular pediatrician in the New York area and the daughter of two survivor parents. Her mother, the sole survivor of her family, was separated from her mother and siblings when they were taken from Lodz to Bergen Belsen.
Miriam’s father, who was also from Lodz, survived Auschwitz. He was 20 years old when the war ended and met Miriam’s mother in Bergen Belsen. They married and Miriam’s older sister was born there. A distant cousin sponsored them and brought them to Chicago.

“We moved into their attic, my mother told me, on a Thursday night and my father went to work at their upholstery factory on Monday morning,” she relates. “He didn’t speak a word of English but learned to hold the nails in his mouth and bang them into the wood frames. He never spoke of his family or his experiences in the war. But he suffered from nightmares and night terror all his life.”

But the screams were never explained to little Miriam. Her mother spoke of her childhood and her family, but only of the good years. “It wasn‘t until she was much older, after my father died, that she spoke of experiences during the war.”

Still, Miriam didn’t feel that she was living a freakish or dysfunctional childhood, primarily because all the people in her Chicago community were children of survivors as well. “No one had grandparents, and aunts and uncles or cousins were a rarity. Our parents would meet with other survivors on Shabbos or on a Sunday afternoon and they would speak in Yiddish as we children played.”

All the children in that little group experienced the same peculiarities. Everyone’s parents made them call when they reached their friends’ houses and made them detail when they would return home. “It wasn‘t until I went to high school and met people who had been born in America that I realized that mine was not a typical upbringing.”

For Miriam’s sister, realization hit hard when she went to college, and someone asked her why she hadn’t put up pictures of her grandparents or extended family. “When I heard that, I realized just how different my childhood was from my peers whose parents were born here,” Miriam says. “There were no pictures or candlesticks or Kiddush cups from grandparents, no remembrances of an earlier time and place.”

That package of experiences made Miriam feel as though she wanted to protect her parents from any further hardship, a desire that fueled her own drive to succeed. “I very much wanted to succeed in school and in my career because I knew it was so important to them.”

Miriam’s description resonates for Sara Gross of Boro Park, a child of survivors now in her 60s.
“Other survivors were our family and our friends,” Sara says. “I would hear them talk about the ‘lagers’ and I asked what it meant. My mother told me it was about life in the ‘camp.’ I didn’t know what it really meant but I knew it was a bad thing. When I was older, and [my mother] asked if I wanted to go to camp, I could not understand why she would even suggest it.”

Dr. Khaya Eisenberg, the project coordinator for the support group, said that understanding the various issues that second gens face was the motivation for establishing the group. “When adult children of Holocaust survivors learn about common patterns among many survivor families, they can develop a different understanding of their experiences and the relationships they grew up with,” Eisenberg says. “Then they have the opportunity to learn new ways of responding in the present — as caregivers for their aging survivor parents, as siblings, and as the resilient adults they are. Our aim with the discussion series is to create a sense of social support and to equip them with new perspectives that create the possibility of positive change.”

For Adele, a Boro Park resident who has been attending the meetings since they started in May, the group’s lessons are illuminating.

“I explained to my brother that when I go to visit my parents, I am in the same place as I was as a child,” she says. “My father was very critical and never liked what I wore or how I looked. Dr. Felsen has really helped me to understand my parents. They really wanted to do everything for us but now I can see the difficulties I had with them were not about me.”

Moshe, who lives in Flatbush, is attending the meeting for the second time but has found it comforting that so many of his personal challenges seem to be shared by others.

“This has been a very difficult period,” he adds, “as my brother and then six months later, my father passed on, and my mother who lives alone with an aide has really deteriorated both mentally and physically. Though I haven’t really gotten to know other people in the audience, I feel like we have the same issues.”

Transfer of Trauma

Dr. David Pelcovitz, an internationally renowned expert in PTSD, has described the children of survivors as possessing the emotional scars without the actual wounds that their parents suffered.

This idea is close to the heart of Dr. Norman Blumenthal, a clinical psychologist with a private practice in Cedarhurst, New York, who told how his mother lived through seven concentration camps. He said it was no coincidence that his choice of profession, as well as his PhD dissertation topic, was related to second-generation survivors.

“I originally chose adoption for my PhD dissertation, then suddenly asked myself why I had chosen that subject. I’m not adopted. On the other hand, children of survivors have similar issues. There are no grandparents, aunts, uncles. You have no picture of them.Your parents grew up in a foreign country and speak a language you really don’t understand. It’s like you are artificially transplanted to this country.”

Dr. Blumenthal said it took him quite a while to tell his mother about his dissertation topic. When he did, she replied: “I knew I was damaged, but my children also? That is intolerable.”
Dr. Blumenthal stresses that, statistically speaking, children of survivors do not have a higher incidence of severe mental or emotional issues than the general population. However, there is something called “anniversary syndrome” which takes place when offspring suffer a trauma at an age similar to that of the parent. If there is a severe mental breakdown, Dr. Blumenthal said, 50 to 75 percent are hospitalized at the age at which their parent was deported or incarcerated.
“One of the patients had suffered a mental breakdown after being sent to jail in spite of repeated warnings for drug abuse, He was 19 years old at the time, the same age his father had been during the Holocaust when his hiding place was disclosed by a gentile neighbor and he was sent to a concentration camp.”

What factors does Dr. Blumenthal pinpoint in the multigenerational transfer of trauma?

“The typical American-born child, whose parent describes his school, his childhood — even if it’s not exactly the same, can still identify with it. But what if his parents’ climactic event is standing before Dr. Mengele or jumping off a cattle car or deportation to Auschwitz? The child searches his data bank and has no experience in Flatbush that replicates it.

“Children want to know and connect with their parents. A healthier child may read all the Holocaust literature or become involved in a movement — Soviet Jewry, Zionism — or become preoccupied with the topic. I wrote a dissertation. Or they may go back and visit the concentration camps to attempt to understand their parent. They may relive their parents’ experience to resolve this schism and attempt to connect to their parents. In a more fragile subset, this may cause neuropsychological trauma.”

Parents as Heroes

On the anniversary of the day that Dr. Blumenthal’s mother was liberated from Bergen-Belsen, she was interviewed by the BBC. Several weeks later, when asked to view a film about the British liberation of the concentration camp, she cried because the film couldn’t capture the real experience. “You learn that there are impactful experiences,” he says, “and there’s no way to connect. You can’t touch it.”

But the survivor, and their children, do feel it, sometimes in odd ways.

“When I was in college I was at someone’s home and they served a vegetable soup that I didn’t recognize,” Dr. Blumenthal explains. “The hostess said it was turnip and I automatically spit it out. We didn’t eat turnips in our house. In Europe that was considered animal food and that’s what they served the inmates in the camps. If the kapo wanted to do something nice for you, he would put a little piece of turnip in the ‘soup.’ Eating it would have been a betrayal to my mother.”
With age and maturity, however, Dr. Blumenthal learned to see his upbringing as a gift.

“On vacation in college, I saw these small-town New England high school students. Their lives seemed so different from mine. I was consumed with jealousy. Today I wouldn’t be jealous. We are unique. Statistically, I should not exist at all, let alone be a father and even a grandfather, so I feel that I must make a contribution to humanity. As a young person, I may have viewed this perspective as damaged, almost a pathology — but now I feel truly blessed.”

In fact, second-generation children express a deep admiration for their parents, despite the emotional pain they’ve bequeathed.

Dovid Cohen, who described choosing a wife who could shoulder the burden of running away at a moment’s notice, says he regards his parents as his heroes.

“There was a lot of silence in my family,” he says. “I didn’t realize until I was almost an adult what really happened to them. The conversation in my house was filled with stories about the Holocaust, of the successful billionaire who survived the camps, or the scientist or rabbi who clawed his way back to life. The sense always was: Isn’t it amazing that so many made it?”

This gave him the feeling, he says, that his parents were strong beyond measure, not only for what they went through during the war, but also after it. “There is everything good about them from this aspect, and I learned many positive qualities by watching them live,” Dovid says. “I feel utterly privileged to be their son.”

Third-Gen Survivors

The second-generation survivors have now birthed another generation. What is the continued legacy of the Holocaust?

The impact on the third generation seems to be strongly affected by their relationship and exposure to the survivor grandparents. Often older grandchildren show a much greater identification with their grandparents’ and parents’ experience. For instance, Sara Gross’s daughter said that she was very conscious of the deprivation that her grandparents had suffered. She had heard her grandmother cry over her loss and therefore avoided complaining about any difficulty in her own life.

“I felt that I had to succeed, and in school I knew it was important that I be class valedictorian. We lived in close proximity to my grandparents. I tried not to ask my parents for anything, to manage on my own, since everyone had had such a difficult life.”

She also learned about the importance of names. “They were almost, I might use the word obsessed, with using names for those they lost,” she says. “I couldn’t understand how my husband’s family just casually chose a name for a new baby because they liked the sound or the meaning. It bothered me that it was such a waste of an opportunity to remember someone who was gone and had no one to remember them.”

Leah Stein’s daughter, now a wife and mother, also described growing up in a home in which everything was carefully measured.

“My mother would never fargin herself anything special. So I thought that was how everyone views things. When I got married, my husband couldn’t understand why I wouldn’t buy something I liked, even if it was a few dollars more than I wanted to spend.”

As a child, Shoshana felt protected against starvation by her chubbiness. In retrospect, she feels that she modeled her relationship with her mother on her mother’s relationship with her grandmother. “They were best friends and my mother is my best friend. I felt very cherished by my parents and grandparents. I felt that I was a miracle they never really believed could happen and that gave me a very strong sense of self-worth — even if it carried extra responsibility to make them proud.”

For Sheila Cohen’s daughter, the pride went in the other direction. “I viewed my Holocaust grandparents as a source of great pride,” she says. “We didn’t have a lot of yichus as some in my circle seemed to have, but whenever there was a discussion of the Holocaust in school and the teachers would praise those who survived and built new lives, I knew they were talking about my grandparents. In fact, when we had a speaker about the Holocaust come and talk, it was my grandmother.”

She has only one regret, she says. “I wish I had realized how much she had to tell us about her life and how much there was to learn from her.”

(Originally featured in Mishpacha Issue 647)

 

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Trials of Torment https://mishpacha.com/trials-of-torment/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=trials-of-torment https://mishpacha.com/trials-of-torment/#respond Wed, 06 Jul 2016 05:00:00 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=11062 In one of the last interviews before his passing, Elie Wiesel shared his own tortured reflections.

The post Trials of Torment first appeared on Mishpacha Magazine.

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In one of the last interviews before his passing, Elie Wiesel shared his own tortured reflections.

 


Photo: AP

E


lie Wiesel once said: “I decided to devote my life to telling the story because I felt that having survived I owe something to the dead. And anyone who does not remember betrays them again.” Wiesel was one of the earliest and most masterful chroniclers of the concentration camp experience having experienced it himself in Auschwitz.

Using his gifts as a storyteller to publicize the horrors the world might otherwise have chosen to forget he assumed the role of a universal conscience calling the nations of the world to task against anti-Semitism and hate; assailing injustices such as the oppression of Soviet Jews South African apartheid and genocide committed in faraway lands such as Cambodia Bosnia Darfur and mostly recently Syria.

With his passing on Shabbos at age 87 accolades and condolences poured in from world leaders and opinion makers who hailed Elie Wiesel for his moral fortitude. Wiesel’s popularity was perhaps due at least in part to his willingness to admit his inability to understand extreme evil and human malevolence. During his lifetime portions of the Orthodox Jewish world had not embraced Wiesel who wrote about his personal spiritual battles stemming from confusion over the “hester panim” — Hashem’s seeming silence — in the face of the overwhelming evil he experienced. It was a topic that Wiesel alluded to in a formal but brief interview we conducted in 2014 at the sleek Madison Avenue office of the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity.

The foundation created after Wiesel won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1986 states that its mission is “to combat indifference intolerance and injustice through international dialogue and youth-focused programs that promote acceptance understanding and equality.” The foundation maintains Beit Tzipora Centers (named for Wiesel’s martyred sister Tzipora) in Ashkelon and Kiryat Malachi that help educate and integrate Ethiopian Jews into Israeli society.

The small waiting room at his Madison Avenue office was adorned with a large framed poster for a film by Elie’s wife Marion (Erster Rose) Wiesel entitled Children of the Night.

The foundation’s offices were staffed by a small cadre of bright young interns busy with paperwork and computer screens. One smiling secretary led me down a hallway lined with melancholy photos of prewar Europe and full yet tidy bookshelves into Wiesel’s spacious but equally bookshelf-laden office. He sat behind an enormous desk but rose to greet me elegantly dressed with the rosette of the French Legion of Honor adorning his suit lapel. His trademark tousled gray locks still full he invited us to the couches in the sitting area.

Having undergone serious heart surgery Wiesel had looked thin and frail. I was told in advance that he only had the strength for a 20-minute interview. His voice wasn’t strong and I often strained to catch all of his words.

His parents back in Sighet Romania were Vizhnitzer chassidim. “I had every reason to leave my religion ” Wiesel said “but I don’t want to be the last link in the chain.” Although he drifted from his roots he professed deep attachment to chassidic teachings even though his own books about great rebbes read more like storytelling and history than hagiography. He davened in the Fifth Avenue Synagogue near his home on Manhattan’s East Side but when he visited Israel as he did up to three times a year when he was well enough he enjoyed davening in a chassidic shtiebel. “When I came to the US in 1955 there was almost no chassidic world — just a few shtieblach. Today ” as he made a sweeping gesture with his arm “it’s an empire.

“Kein yirbu” he added with a sincere smile. “They are the religious edge that influences the middle.” Probing further I suggested that this flourishing of a vibrant religious community is the best revenge against the Nazis. Wiesel deflected that. “Religion, davening is not revenge ” he said.

“If there’s a line that goes through all my work,” he continued, “I think it would have to be ahavas Yisrael. The Vizhnitzer Rebbe wrote a sefer called Ahavas Yisrael. It’s a theme that is part of the chassidic movement, going all the way back to the Baal Shem Tov.”

Although Wiesel struggled with his faith during and after the war, he didn’t break the connection with Torah study. He claimed to begin every class he taught with something from the Chumash. He wrote a book on Rashi. “I love Rashi!” he declared. “Without Rashi, the Gemara could not have continued to spread in the way that it did.”

He waxed enthusiastic about the deep wisdom of our sages, their profound grasp of human nature, as exhibited by the laws of aveilus, which he termed extraordinarily sensitive and sensible, allowing the mourner to grieve yet forbidding him from unduly prolonging his grief and withdrawing from the world. “When a person is sick, he becomes the center of the world,” Wiesel said. “But as soon as he dies, his mourners become the center of the world.”

Wiesel himself was deprived of the opportunity to sit shivah for his murdered parents and sister.

His father owned a grocery store in Sighet, but considered helping other Jews to be his principal goal in life. Hungarian police once arrested and tortured him for helping Polish refugees obtain false papers.

The Wiesels were forced into the Sighet ghetto in 1944, and deported by the Germans to Auschwitz in May of that year. There the 15-year-old Elie became number A-7713. His mother and younger sister were killed, although his older sisters survived. His father, after enduring starvation, dysentery, and beatings, was sent to the crematorium just a few weeks short of liberation.

Wiesel ended up in France and Israel after the war, and became a journalist and translator for French and Israeli newspapers. When ask how he learned to write, he smiled. “In Europe, there was no such concept of learning how to be a writer,” he said. “There were no ‘creative writing’ workshops like here. You learned by doing it.”

He had nostalgia for the early days of the State of Israel, where he lived from 1949 to 1955. “When I was a journalist living in Israel, it was such a different time,” Wiesel said. “We had maybe one murder case a year to report. People were so open, so kind. On the street, they would offer water to strangers. Nobody locked their doors at night — not just in Jerusalem but all over Israel.”

Throughout his years of Jewish advocacy, Wiesel would often emphasize the Jewish connection to Jerusalem, and criticized the Obama administration for pressuring Israel to halt construction in East Jerusalem. “Jerusalem is above politics,” Wiesel once said. “It is mentioned more than 600 times in Scripture and not a single time in the Koran. It belongs to the Jewish People and is much more than a city.”

Taking on Reagan

As outspoken as Wiesel was, he built up to it slowly. It took almost ten years after World War II ended before he began speaking out about his Holocaust experiences.

Once he put pen to paper, however, the pent-up experiences poured out, first into a 900-page Yiddish memoir entitled Un di Velt Hot Geshvign (And the World Remained Silent). Encouraged by French author Francois Mauriac, he then wrote a much-abridged version in French that was translated into English as Night.

Night gained little traction for the first five years, during a time when the world still preferred to put the war behind them. But sales picked up in the late 1960s and 1970s, and it has now sold millions of copies and been translated into about 30 languages.

Wiesel came to New York on a trip in 1955 and ended up staying in the US. He wrote 59 more books since Night, and held faculty positions at Boston University and City University of New York, as well as visiting professorships at other colleges.

Wiesel’s writings exerted a strong influence on many Jewish college students, and other Jews as well, who first learned about the Holocaust through exposure to him. For those who had little or no religious background, Holocaust books, films, and museums afforded them a means of connecting to the Jewish People. But this also created a situation in which an emphasis on the Holocaust replaced Torah as the focus for their Jewish identities.

I asked Wiesel: Shouldn’t those reading about the Holocaust be encouraged to think not only about what people died for, but what they lived for as well?

Wiesel nodded. “In my experience, people get interested in the Holocaust, and then as they learn more, they become disturbed. Then they often want to get involved. But they shouldn’t stop there; they should continue to evolve.

“In every decision you make in life, think higher, and feel deeper,” he said, emphasizing his words, and then repeating them: “Think higher, and feel deeper.”

He added: “I came to that through chassidic sources.”

In 1978, President Jimmy Carter appointed Wiesel as chairman of the President’s Commission on the Holocaust. It was from that position of prominence in 1985 that Wiesel launched his diplomatic yet compelling admonishment to President Ronald Reagan for the White House decision to visit the military cemetery in Bitburg, Germany, where some 40 SS troops were buried.

Reagan had scheduled a visit to Germany on the 40th anniversary of Victory in Europe Day, where he was to meet with Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who was locked in a difficult reelection campaign. One of the campaign issues was US insistence on keeping its Pershing 2 missiles deployed in Europe for strategic deterrence against the Soviet Union, a measure that Kohl supported. It was Kohl who suggested a joint visit to Bitburg Cemetery. Reportedly, when President Reagan agreed, he and his staff were unaware of the presence of the SS graves.

Jewish leaders wielded intense pressure on Reagan to choose a different site. Matters came to a head when Elie Wiesel arrived at the White House to receive the Congressional Medal of Achievement and publicly chided Reagan during a three-minute speech at the ceremony. “Mr. President,” Wiesel said, “I implore you to do something else, to find another way, another site. That place, Mr. President, is not your place.”

Video of the event showed a slight grimace crossing Reagan’s face, although he shook Wiesel’s hand afterward and the two exchanged greetings. Reagan did lay a wreath at Bitburg, although he curtailed his planned 20-minute visit to four minutes, mainly shaking hands with German military men. Reagan did not speak there and instead delivered an eight-minute address later that same day at the site of the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp.

No Figuring Out Hate

While Reagan found a way to climb down from the tree, Wiesel never stopped speaking up for what he believed in.

A year after the Bitburg controversy, in 1986, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The Norwegian Nobel Committee described Wiesel as “one of the most important spiritual leaders and guides in an age when violence, repression, and racism continue to characterize the world.”

In his acceptance speech, Wiesel said: “Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere.”

In his later years, Wiesel warned the world against Iran’s nuclear ambitions, spoke out against the ongoing massacres in Syria’s civil war, and condemned Hamas for their use of children as human shields during Operation Protective Edge. He refused to subscribe to the liberal-democratic theory that if we could only remove the sources of human misery, we could eradicate hatred.

“Happiness is not a factor in hatred,” Wiesel said. “The anti-Semite is very happy being an anti-Semite.”

An alienated 17-year-old who takes a gun or knife and kills innocent people is not a classic example of hatred, he said. Instead it’s the kind of senseless killing we can’t hope to explain. Wiesel argued that he was never interested in probing the psychology of the hater.

“I know all the arguments,” he said. “But in the end, it’s a waste of time. No one can convince a hater not to hate. If people ask me, ‘So why do people hate?’ I answer, ‘Ask the hater. Why should I do the work of figuring it out? Why should I go and ask him? Why should I even have to deal with a person like that?’ ”

As far as anti-Semitism is concerned, to Wiesel, it’s merely the oldest form of hatred. “That’s because we Jews survived the longest. They look at us, and subconsciously, they’re bothered. They think: What are you Jews still doing here? We did everything we could to get rid of you! Am Yisrael has defied all the logical and mathematical possibilities for survival.”

Wiesel is survived by his wife, Marion, to whom he was married for 47 years; a son, Shlomo Elisha, named for his father; a stepdaughter, Jennifer Rose, and two grandchildren.

(Originally featured in Mishpacha Issue 617)

 

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Epilogue of The Unfinished Diary https://mishpacha.com/epilogue-of-the-unfinished-diary/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=epilogue-of-the-unfinished-diary https://mishpacha.com/epilogue-of-the-unfinished-diary/#respond Wed, 01 Jul 2015 12:23:42 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=34984 Chaim Yitzchok Wolgelernter’s diary might be the only surviving wartime journal written by a chassidic Jew for future generations, yet it was hidden away for decades. After two decades of painstaking work, his children recaptured not only the horrific images of war, but also the spiritual resilience of Jews who refused to give up hope.

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Chaim Yitzchok Wolgelernter’s diary might be the only surviving wartime journal written by a chassidic Jew for future generations, yet it was hidden away for decades. After two decades of painstaking work, his children recaptured not only the horrific images of war, but also the spiritual resilience of Jews who refused to give up hope.

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Photos: Eli Cobin

I

t was a joyous time in Lucerne, that week in August 1964. Feivel Wolgelernter, one of those rare child survivors born during the Holocaust, was marrying Rachel Erlanger-Silbiger. Amid the festivities, a package from Toronto arrived — Feivel’s Uncle Dovid had sent him a gift in honor of his wedding. Gingerly unwrapping the parcel, his eyes beheld a stack of aging sheets filled with tightly penned Yiddish lines. Feivel had never seen these pages before, but he knew instantly what they were.

In his hands were his late father’s writings, a testimony of tragedy and faith that Chaim Yitzchok Wolgelernter penned while on the run from the Nazis. Feivel had known from his mother that the pages existed, yet the gift from his father’s brother, Uncle Dovid — who managed to salvage the writings during his own escape and now hoped the manuscript might somehow be publicized — strengthened Feivel’s connection to the father he could barely remember. But the thought of delving into the manuscript, both the tedious work of deciphering the script and especially the emotional load that went with it, was too heavy to bear. “One day I’ll do something with it,” Feivel pledged to himself as he slipped the package into his desk drawer. All that pain could be shelved for a while and retrieved when the time was right.

Yet for over 20 years the pages lay hidden away, preserved from decay by a protective spray, but still untouched. “It was my son Nafti who spurred me on,” says Feivel Wolgelernter, whose family today lives in Zurich. “My uncle, and so many others who knew my father, kept on urging, ‘Why aren’t you publishing the memoirs in a book?’ The truth is, Uncle Dovid himself had sent a copy of the manuscript away in the 1960s to be published, but somehow it got lost and could not be located. Most of the people who would have appreciated it on a personal level are no longer alive. But it had to wait. It was a process.”

It finally did emerge, and now, after over 20 years of painstaking effort and more than half a century after that priceless wedding gift reached Feivel Wolgelernter, the public can open up The Unfinished Diary: A Chronicle of Tears, and read his father’s riveting eyewitness account, cut short when he was murdered just months before liberation.

“The diary was a very strong presence in our home,” Nafti explains, tracing the first steps in his own efforts. “I always knew where it was and felt this pull toward it — I wanted to learn about our family history, and most of all to discover within those pages the grandfather I never knew.”

Nafti was 19 when he started working on the diary in the late 1980s. Feivel, not wanting to let the original out of his hands, made a copy of every page for his son. “Nafti embarked on this enormous undertaking under very difficult circumstances, working with a magnifying glass to decipher the cramped lines and not understanding many of the Polish Yiddish terms.”
It took Nafti over a decade to piece together the historical narrative from his grandfather’s often cryptic description and unbound, unnumbered pages. He also spent time with his father’s Uncle Dovid, which gave the bochur an added window into his grandfather’s life and writings.

While the Holocaust destroyed six million worlds, it’s rare to get a firsthand glimpse into even one of these worlds, into the heart and soul of a Torah scholar and maamin who transcribed his suffering as it was occurring, leaving a testimony for future generations.

Reb Chaim Yitzchok Wolgelernter acknowledged that himself in one of his journal entries:
If, chalilah, it is a Heavenly decree that there not be a remnant of the House of Israel in Europe after this dreadful war, I must accept the justice of the Divine judgment and I shall leave these lines as a memorial.

As European Jewry was being decimated by the Nazi killing machine, Chaim Yitzchok Wolgelernter sat hidden in a Polish barn, all the while maintaining his sanity by authoring this memoir, which he titled Mein Trern Bich [My Book of Tears]. He discussed the Torah’s perspective of what the Jews of Europe were enduring and his own emotional state, and shared insights into the political situation and the mindset of those who were his tormentors, and others who were righteous gentiles. In 50 meticulously penned chapters he collected whatever information he managed to gather about his hometown, his family members, friends, relatives, nearby towns and the distant, unknown destinations of those shipped off in cattle cars.

“In general, there are relatively few diaries that are known to have been written during the war, and this is one of the only ones written by a frum Yid,” says Nafti, who explains that the narrative reads like a memoir penned by an accomplished author, and is even divided into chapters as if his grandfather were preparing it for publication.
From the first page, the reader feels transported back into that dreadful time and place, where there was nowhere to run and hide. “Writing was his therapy; that’s how he kept his sanity,” Nafti says. “He actually mentioned this in one of the letters he sent his wife — my grandmother.”

Desperate Escape

Chaim Yitzchok Wolgelernter had a special future awaiting him. Raised by his parents Rav Yeshayah and Hendel Rivkah Wolgelernter in the small town of Kazimierza Wielka, he was a gifted child who absorbed Torah learning like a sponge. At 17, he traveled to Ostrowiec to learn in the yeshivah of the Ostrovtzer Rebbe, Rav Yechezkel Halstuk. He was one of the few students to receive heter horaah from the Rebbe and was charged with transcribing the Rebbe’s shiurim.

In 1936 he married Chayele Platkiewicz and moved to her hometown of Dzialoszyce, a small, mostly Jewish town just northeast of Krakow. Chayele’s father, Reb Shraga Feivel Platkiewicz, had passed away in 1918 and left his wife Yachet a widow with five orphans (two children died previously). She managed to build up a successful textile business to provide for her family.
By 1941 the couple had two children, Alte Sarah Leah (Altele) and baby Shraga Feivel, but in September 1942, it became evident that Dzialoszyce would be made Judenrein together with all the towns and villages in the area. News had spread of the atrocities the Germans were committing in other areas — of cattle cars taking away entire communities to unknown destinations, of slow deaths endured by once-strapping young men in labor camps — but it just seemed too outrageous and unreal.

Chaim Yitzchok had the keen foresight to make plans for the family to go into hiding.

Chayele would go with her toddler son Feivel and hide in the home of a non-Jewish Polish family, while her sister Reizele would take their daughter Altele to another Polish home. Chaim Yitzchok felt his own best chance of survival would be in one of the labor battalions.

And then suddenly, the plans were turned upside down. The Germans were set to arrive at any moment and fleeing was most urgent; Chaim Yitzchok, whose initial escape plan had fallen through, ran out of the house without a rucksack or a goodbye, confident that the others would scramble to their preplanned hideouts and save themselves.

Alas, it was not to be. While Chayele managed to save herself together with Feivel, Reizele and Altele were forced from their hideout to the marketplace where all the Jews of Dzialoszyce who were caught had to gather. A day later, 1,500 of them were taken away in wagons and murdered in ditches on the outskirts of their town, while others awaited their fate. It was not long in coming. Altele, clutching tightly to her aunt, was pushed onto the train and taken to a place of no return.

Hidden in a loft, Chaim Yitzchok put pen to paper and scrawled out what was in his heart:
The train pulls in with a column of wagons so long, it blinds the eye.
If they ever harbored any illusions about the reports of sealed boxcars transporting hundreds of people to unknown destinations, left on a rail siding until it was certain the occupants were no longer alive, now, standing face-to-face with reality, they became convinced it was even worse than what they had heard. As the railcars were thrown open, the smell of disinfectant mingling with the stench of congealed body fluids overcame their senses and elicited a wave of nausea.
The young men selected for labor were placed in the open wagons at the rear of the train and ordered to crouch down. Expressing farewell, even with a last glance at their family members who were being shoved into the sealed cars at the front, was denied them. Only their desperate cries could be heard: the death elegy of an entire nation.

Chaim Yitzchok, distraught over the loss of his beloved daughter and her aunt, initially managed to take shelter with some other Jews hiding in the barn of a Polish village mayor. When his wife managed to reunite with him in the barn after a short while, it was she who comforted him. Later, he transcribed what she told him:
“Don’t ask questions. If you want to survive, you must stop. It’s a bitter gezar din, a Heavenly decree, and we are no exception. Hashem granted us Altele as a gift and He took her back. We must strengthen ourselves. Let us thank and praise Hashem that we’re here.”

Soon afterward — knowing that Chayele had a better chance of survival disguised as a Christian — they were parted for a second time, never to see each other again.
Chayele and Feivel, disguised as non-Jews and having procured fake ID cards, spent the remaining war years with a Polish family, while Chaim Yitzchok and the other family members began their rootless wanderings in the Polish countryside.

Knocking on doors of Poles once thought to have been benevolent often left them betrayed. Here and there, they chanced upon kindhearted Poles or greedy ones who were willing to take them in for a hefty sum.

In his journal, Chaim Yitzchok doesn’t skimp on any of these unfortunate details. He describes, for example, the treacherous hideout in a cave on the outskirts of a Polish village, where he witnessed a brother-in-law and his children withering away before his very eyes. And there are the massacres, and the horrors of the last moments of kedoshim as they were ruthlessly shot.

Chaim Yitzchok was in hiding, but he was fortunate that he wasn’t isolated. News reached him by messengers, reports from the people whose homes he was hiding in, as well as underground newspapers. He even managed to get some letters from his wife as well as other family members, couriered by Poles still kind enough to help a Jew in exchange for money or merchandise. Yet as time wore on and hope of finding a safe hiding place became more remote despite the series of open miracles that had protected him so far, news of the death of his sister Yitta and then of his parents gunned down shattered him:
In one fell swoop, it has all disappeared. Kazimierz no longer exists for me. I no longer have parents. I have been orphaned of both at the same time. I was not there at the moment of their departure from This World; did not ask forgiveness; did not say Kaddish; did not sit shivah. I do not even know where they are buried… I am an orphan…
The bit of straw under my head was wet with my tears.

Reprieve to Death

After a few months on the run, Chaim Yitzchok was miraculously reunited with his two younger brothers, Dovid and Meir. Together with his mother-in-law and her daughter and son-in-law, Tzinne and Hershel Erlich, and two of their children, they managed to stay together for an entire year, hidden in the barn loft of a woman named Magda, who took pity on the family. Occasionally there were house-to-house searches in the area, forcing the group to crouch in a pit underneath a stable filled with pigs. Chaim Yitzchok probably wrote most of his book during the time in that loft.

Eventually, Magda grew hostile and wanted the family to leave. Under precarious circumstances they smuggled themselves out of this refuge and managed to hide in a loft of a Pole named Biskup in Debowiec. Biskup decided to take them in for money, but they didn’t make it to the end of the war: He had the group murdered in cold blood when they decided to search out a new hiding place and it became evident that his income was coming to an end. Only two members of the group survived — Chaim Yitzchok’s brother Dovid and nephew Feivel Erlich, who were accompanied by partisan Avraham Szajnfeld. Taking everyone’s belongings, including most probably Chaim Yitzchok’s manuscripts, they had gone ahead to a new hideout, waiting in vain for the others to follow. They never arrived. News arrived soon after that they had been killed on Rosh Chodesh Tammuz 5704.

New Start, Old Pain

After the war, the remnants of the family — survivors Dovid Wolgelernter, Chayele Wolgelernter, little Feivele, and cousin Feivel Erlich (another cousin Chayele Erlich had survived the war in Warsaw) — reunited. They knew it was time to leave blood-soaked Poland, but before they left they wanted to visit the spot where Chaim Yitzchok and the others had been killed. As Dovid documented in an addendum he wrote at the end of his slain brother’s manuscript, they enlisted the help of former partisan Avraham Fuhrman, who had visited them in Biksup’s loft during the war and knew well the surrounding terrain. He led them to Debowiec, where a neighbor showed them the spot where the bodies had been hastily buried in one grave. The earth was still fresh. Dovid, shattered by the cruel twist of fate and perhaps even guilt ridden that he survived Biskup’s butchery, recited Kaddish together with Chaim Yitzchok’s Feivele, who was four years old.

Chayele and Feivele eventually moved to Switzerland, where Chayele remarried, to Yisroel Mordechai Finkelstein. Still, she made sure to share with Feivel the memories of his father and her parents — his grandparents. “Growing up, my parents’ entire life revolved around the Holocaust,” Feivel says. “I couldn’t remember anything from my own experiences in the war, but the stories they shared with me left a traumatic impression.”

Although Chayele restarted her life, she could never really let go of those horrific times. “Rosh Chodesh Tammuz, the yahrtzeit of her husband, mother, and sister with her family was excruciating. And in Adar, when her brother Yisroel and his family were killed [Chaim Yitzchok received notification of their deaths when the family was in hiding in Magda’s loft], her grief was palpable.

“Over the years my mother would often ask me to travel with her to Poland. ‘Lomir fuhren [Let’s travel there],’ she would say. ‘Maybe we can find the grave.’ But neither she nor my Uncle Dovid ever revealed to me that they knew exactly where the spot is. They never even shared with me that I had said Kaddish there, and I had no memory of it.”

Until Nafti began working on the manuscript, Feivel never felt he had enough factual evidence to make the trip worthwhile.

“My father is a trained engineer,” Nafti explains. “In his line of work he always needed proof and a plan before starting out on a project. We only had assumptions but no factual knowledge of where the burial spot might be.”

Furthermore, until the 1990s the Communists ruled Poland and would never have permitted the exhumation and transfer of human remains.

In the years he spent working on and researching the manuscript, Nafti met countless people who remembered his father. One of those meetings was with Avraham Fuhrman, the partisan who had led the survivors to the burial spot after the war. Fuhrman revealed the incredible information — he remembered exactly where they had been buried. It was clear that a search would be difficult, as it was an unmarked grave in a slope on the outskirts of the tiny hamlet of Debowiec.

Galvanized by this new discovery, Nafti urged his father to join him for a trip to Poland. “My father was still skeptical that we would actually find something after all these years. But then he was pulled in by my enthusiasm and decided to go along.”

Final Journey

On Sunday, April 18, 1993, Feivel and his two sons Nafti and Chaim Yitzchok, together with two experts from the chevra kaddisha, left for Poland in the hopes of finally bringing their loved ones to kever Yisrael.

Arriving in Warsaw, they traveled to the towns and villages where their ancestors had lived for generations, walking through the chapters Chaim Yitzchok had described so vividly. The men from the chevra kaddisha received the necessary digging permits while Feivel and his sons searched for some elderly Pole in Debowiec who might remember, or perhaps had heard, where the spot might be. With conflicting information, they began to dig in several places on the outskirts of this forgotten village, at first with shovels, and then with a bulldozer. For two anxious days they searched, not ready to give up despite the odds. And then, on the afternoon of the second day, they discovered a bone. This was the burial site!

Feivel kept his own journal of that trip, and this was his entry after finding his father’s makeshift grave:
Although it is difficult for me to pull myself away, I go up to the top of the depression, since it is halachically forbidden to look at a parent’s remains. My sons continually take pictures and keep me informed.
I take out my Tehillim. As if of its own accord, it opens to Chapter 94, Keil nekamos Hashem. “Almighty of vengeance, reveal Yourself…”
How fitting, I reflect.
Moshe and Baruch begin the difficult process of identifying the skulls and bones based on factors we had heard from surviving family members — my grandmother had lost her teeth with age; my father and uncle had both been over 1.8 meters [six feet] tall; my teenaged cousins had been short and slight in build. It appears the victims were shot or clubbed to death.
I tear kri’ah.
All of us are overcome with emotion, particularly Nafti. Having immersed himself in my father’s writings for many years, he had become intimately familiar with his grandfather as a living personality. Now, the tragedy penetrates his consciousness in a palpable manner.
Paradoxically, although I am an avel until nightfall, I am filled with elation and gratitude to Hashem Yisbarach for enabling us to bring our family’s remains to kever Yisrael. What a remarkable chesed my son had performed for me by spearheading and goading me to proceed with this unusual mission. Orphaned at a tender young age, I would now be able to daven at my father’s kever.

The remains were collected during hours of tedious work, separated to the best of their ability although the bones were mixed together, wrapped in sheets and placed together in an aron and placed in a van, finally on their way. Almost. A group of Poles, still greedy when they smelled Jewish money, refused to allow the van to leave until a hefty sum was paid.

Almost 50 years after being murdered in an anti-Semitic rage, the bodies of Chaim Yitzchok Wolgelernter and his extended family were flown to Eretz Yisrael. With instructions by Rav Wosner that they be buried in a kever achim, they were laid to rest on Har HaMenuchos.

Words Are Forever

"This was a huge closure for our family,” Feivel shares, “and I think that’s what jump-started me to finally see the project to its natural end.”
Nafti had spent years working on the manuscript, but now it needed translating. The task was given to Rabbi Avrohom Yaakov Finkel, who is fluent in several languages. Then it was time to look for a publisher.

“I approached several publishing houses with the translated manuscript but none of them showed much interest,” says Feivel. “Then I happened to meet Mr. Moshe Kaufman of Israel Bookshop.”
Recognizing the rarity of a Holocaust diary having survived intact and being made public after 70 years, Mr. Kaufman became extremely passionate about this project.

But he needed someone to proofread, edit, and prepare the translation for publishing. Mrs. Hindy Mandel, who had just completed a year’s worth of Holocaust research through museums and archives in order to piece together the story of her own grandmother’s survival during the war, and who is fluent in Yiddish, was the perfect candidate.

But what she thought would be a short-term post turned into a six-and-a-half-year project. Going back to the original Yiddish document, she realized that many details were foggy, and events were written cryptically. She knew the book would need an overhaul.

“This book became part of my life, even when I wasn’t working on it,” says Mrs. Mandel. The book is already in the stores, but the strong impression that the author made on her has not faded with time. “He never severed his ties to Hashem, calling out to Him even when he was grappling with horrors that were incomprehensible. This should give chizuk to every Yid.”

In one chapter, Chaim Yitzchok describes his extreme pain seeing the horrors around him, and screams out at the injustice of it all. While very much wanting to print the diary in its entirety, the family wasn’t sure if this chapter wasn’t too strong in its wording. Did it smack of lost faith? Of a ta’anah on Hashem?

“I discussed it with Rav Shmuel Kamenetsky,” Nafti says. “He told me to print it, explaining, ‘Er mohnt di Geulah, er fordert fun der Ribbono Shel Olam [He’s urging on the Geulah, he’s demanding it from the Ribbono Shel Olam].’ This just shows how, even in the darkest moments, he never let go of his emunah that Hashem is behind all that suffering, and only to Him can we turn.”

(Originally Featured in Mishpacha Issue 566)

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Breaking a Painful Silence https://mishpacha.com/breaking-a-painful-silence/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=breaking-a-painful-silence https://mishpacha.com/breaking-a-painful-silence/#respond Wed, 22 Oct 2014 00:00:00 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=8445 When Charlie Press enlisted in the US Army in 1945, he became an unwitting witness to the horrors of history in the waning days of World War II. But it took nearly 50 years until he was ready to talk about it.

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When Charlie Press enlisted in the US Army in 1945, he became an unwitting witness to the horrors of history in the waning days of World War II. But it took nearly 50 years until he was ready to talk about it.

 

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rivate First Class Charlie Press may have been a late conscript to the 90th Infantry Division in the waning days of World War II, but for the remaining survivors of the Flossenburg Concentration Camp in Bavaria, his arrival couldn’t have come a moment too soon.

The division had been trailing General George S. Patton’s army during its advance through Germany in the winter of 1945 — an advance that would bring the war to a close with the defeat of Nazi Germany.

Until 1944, Flossenburg was mainly a forced labor camp and counted few Jews. In the last six months of the war, though, nearly 25,000 Jews — mainly Hungarian and Polish — arrived. As US forces approached the camp, in mid-April 1945, the SS began the forced evacuation of prisoners. An estimated 7,000 died en route, while thousands of others escaped, were liberated by advancing US troops, or found themselves freed when their SS guards deserted during the night.

By the time Charlie’s unit arrived at Flossenburg, only about 1,500 of the most infirm people had been left behind. Unaware of the full scale of the Holocaust and Germany’s concentration camp system, it didn’t take long for it to dawn on him that this had to have been a place where the Germans were killing people. “We knew we were going to fight for the US. We really didn’t know anything else until we got there.”

The revolting scenes that he observed became etched in his memory, and subsequently suppressed for decades until he finally recorded it for posterity in a June 1992 interview with the US Holocaust Museum.

Press shared many of those memories with me during an interview this past summer in the Jewish Home of Greater Harrisburg, where he currently resides. It was a couple of weeks after his 94th birthday, and he proudly mentioned that he just read the haftarah during Shabbos services to commemorate his bar mitzvah parshah of B’haalosecha.

Despite the oxygen tube Charlie had to wear during our interview, he looked relaxed, wearing a camel-colored, long-sleeve cardigan sweater, with his World War II cap perched on the desk. But many of his memories of the scenes that greeted him at Flossenburg remain vivid to this day.

Call of Duty

World War II and the Holocaust snuffed out too many lives at young ages. Perhaps Charlie’s generosity and can-do attitude — which come across loud and clear even as he speaks in soft, gentle tones —are among the reasons he has merited a long and full life, but genes seem to have something to do with it, too.

Born in Harrisburg on Memorial Day 1920, Charlie has two brothers and three sisters. While one sister passed away a couple of months ago, his other four siblings —ranging in age from 87 to 96 — are all alive and well. Charlie has one younger brother in his mid-70s.

Charlie’s parents immigrated to the US from Europe at the turn of the 20th century, choosing Harrisburg because they already had family there.

Harrisburg today is still home to about 5,000 Jews, and it has had a strong Jewish presence for more than a century. Congregation Kesher Israel was founded in 1902. Rabbi Eliezer Silver z”l served as its first congregational rabbi from 1907 to 1925, and his son Rabbi David Silver z”l served as rabbi for 50 years, until 1983.

“Mother and Dad were shomer Shabbos and we were brought up in an Orthodox environment,” says Charlie’s sister, Ann Feierman, who is two years older than her brother. “Charlie and I would go to shul with our father and he would take us each in one arm.”

Charlie attended the Harrisburg Hebrew School, a forerunner to today’s Silver Academy.

Tall and athletic, Charlie excelled at basketball, but due to his father’s illness, he was forced to take a job right out of high school managing a department store in Frederick, Maryland, about 70 miles away.

World War II broke out in 1939. By then, Charlie was working as a brakeman for the Pennsylvania Railroad. When the US entered the battle at the end of 1941, his job became vital for the war effort, so he received an army deferment, which he wasn’t happy about.

“All my friends went into the service or were taken in. I felt like I was either a loser or what they called a draft dodger,” he said.

So in 1943, Charlie gave his notice to the railroad superintendent, telling him he was joining the army. The superintendent at first refused to let him go, reminding him that his position in the transportation industry was also a patriotic duty.

Undeterred, Charlie asked the superintendent if he had children. The superintendent had a 15-year old son at the time. “I asked, ‘Will you stop him from going into service when he gets older?

“The superintendent replied, ‘Well, you have a good point.’ So he gave me a letter releasing me.”

Charlie’s flatfeet kept him off the front lines, but the army assigned him to the 572nd Anti-Aircraft Battalion at Camp Edwards, Massachusetts, and trained him to fire bazookas.

“They were nervous the Nazis would invade the East Coast,” says Charlie, “so this battalion was based in Boston. They put me in a cadre outfit that just came back from Pacific.”

After the Battle of the Bulge, which ended in January 1945 with more than 100,000 American casualties, the army needed a manpower boost in Europe. Flatfeet notwithstanding, Charlie was sent to Camp Livingston in Louisiana for infantry training, then on to Europe.

 “All Bones”

After trailing Patton’s army, Charlie and his division poured into Flossenburg, where he first encountered Jewish inmates he describes as “emaciated” or “all bones.”

“When we arrived, the crematorium was still smoldering and there were shoes piled up against the building,” says Press. “You wondered how they had survived. We were so flabbergasted and angry that anything like this could have happened. We just could not believe it.”

His battalion had captured many of the SS troops as they were trying to move the last prisoners out of the camp. The US troops marched them back to Flossenburg at bayonet point. From then on, Flossenburg was converted into a prisoner-of-war camp. In his testimony to the US Holocaust Museum, Charlie clearly recalled the arrogance of the Nazi soldiers rankling him: “They were very — the word shtoltz comes to mind. They didn’t think anything they had done was wrong. If we [the US soldiers] had not been told not to harm them, I don’t know what the guys would have done.”

Angry as he was about the Nazis, Charlie reserved the bulk of his emotional resources to assist the camp’s former inmates.

Shortly before his arrival, his battalion had been assigned to Merker’s Mine — a potassium mine operated by a company that was part of the German war machine. The Nazis had stashed the bulk of their gold and cash reserves there for safety when the Allies began bombing Germany in earnest.

The mine contained 8,198 gold bullion bars; 55 boxes of crated gold bullion; thousands of loose bags of gold and silver bars and other valuables, including gold Reichsmarks, British gold pounds, French gold francs; US twenty-dollar gold pieces; and hundreds of bags of foreign currency looted from countries Germany had conquered in the early war years. The total stash was valued at upward of $500 million.

Charlie remembers being stunned at the sight of the caverns, stacked with treasures. He and his colleagues carted it out in wheelbarrows. Some couldn’t withstand the temptation to grab a few loose coins, or wads of bills, which Charlie explained how he put to good use.

The vast bulk of the valuables was turned over to international commissions for distribution to countries whose central bank gold had been stolen by the Nazis, and for restitution to the victims and heirs of the Nazi persecution.

With what he was able to grab, Charlie made restitution of his own, handing some cash to Flossenburg survivors. “I had a big pack, which I gave to them and told them to use for whatever they could buy.”

That spring, Charlie “celebrated” Pesach at Flossenburg. After receiving a Pesach package from Rabbi David Silver, which Charlie recalls contained some matzah and some baloney, and a Yom Tov note saying the rabbi hoped to see him back home, safe and sound, Charlie wrote back his first detailed account of what he saw. “I figured as a rabbi he would be interested in hearing what we’re witnessing.”

Dear Rabbi,

At present my outfit is located at the Flossenburg Concentration Camp guarding Hitler’s elite. This camp was at one time a living hell for many Jewish, Polish, Czech, and German political prisoners. The atrocities which I have witnessed are uncountable. At this moment I am in a guard tower which is equipped with weapons to hinder any attempted break by the criminals. At one time though, this same tower was occupied by some of the criminals who are now inside the fence.

To the left of this tower is a crematorium where daily human beings were burned. In the rear of this crematorium is a room with small vases in which the ashes of only the German dead were placed and sent to their families. The other prisoners’ ashes and bones were piled in a small ravine and covered up. The rain washed all the dirt off and uncovered the hideous evidence. In another section of the field is where human bodies were stacked crosswise on top of wood, and oil was poured over and lighted. When one row would be burned, the next row would be started, and so they kept the fires burning continuously.

The past few Sundays I have been visiting in a small town called Floso, where there are about fifteen Jewish displaced persons who at one time have been in this camp. We go there and have services and sing songs and tell stories. It’s really wonderful to make them happy although in their hearts there is unrest from what they have gone through. They are having a synagogue rebuilt and as soon as it is finished I am going to try and have services there for all of the soldiers and civilians around. It will be great to go to Shul once more.

I thank you again for the holiday greetings, and hope next Pesach I can be home with the family in a civilian suit, and enjoying a good Pesach-dig Seder.

Sincerely yours,

Charles Press

 

On Guard at Nuremberg

Charlie had one last run-in with German war criminals, when he was assigned briefly to guard the balcony overlooking the courtroom where the Nuremburg war crimes trials began in November 1945.

Charlie’s wife, Eunyce, says her husband was always reticent about his World War II experiences. “He never talked about this until our nine-year-old granddaughter, Rebecca, had to do a paper for school,” she says.

Charlie’s sister, Ann Feierman, also recalls that it took many years for the topic to surface. “In the community itself, people started to talk about it only when the yeshivah began a project, asking their students to gather recollections of the story of the Second World War. It kind of started there.”

Charlie and Eunyce’s daughter, Sueann Lehner, also remembers her father being tight-lipped about his wartime service, until the day she was rummaging around in the attic.

“I found this box of horrific photographs,” she says. “I don’t know if he took them, or got them, and I asked him why he had them. That’s when I remember him telling me about how they found the concentration camp, and rounding up Nazis, and that if they [the Nazis] had jewelry on them, the soldiers took it off them and handed it to the victims in order to give them something.”

Asked in 1992 by the US Holocaust Museum what impact this had on his life, Charlie told them: “At first, I wouldn’t think about it. It’s only recently that the Holocaust has come to the forefront of my mind, and I try to talk about it whenever I can. I don’t know why I didn’t want to talk about it before. I don’t know whether I wanted to block it out because it was such a terrible experience, or whether I was just young and not thinking about it. Now, it doesn’t make me feel good.

“I think this should be a lesson to all of us. It happened once, and it could happen again, if we’re not careful. There is so much tyranny and immorality in the world. I believe G-d has His ways of taking care of people who are immoral.”

Building a New Life

Except for a broken tooth he got when he was thrown out of a jeep, Charlie escaped the war uninjured.

At the end of World War II in Europe, the US Army’s Information and Educational Branch was ordered to establish an overseas university campus for demobilized American service men and women.

Faced with a choice of staying in the armed forces, or attending one of those universities, Charlie enrolled in Shrivenham University in England for three months, then returned to America in April 1946, a month short of his 26th birthday.

In December of that year, he married Eunyce Perlmutter, also from Harrisburg. Charlie and Eunyce are set to celebrate their 68th wedding anniversary later this year.

He considered going into the iron and steel business, but couldn’t find a suitable location for a plant, so instead he became a member of what he called the “52/20 club.”

“We had to register at the unemployment office, and you would come in every week of the year to collect your $20,” he said.

Eventually, the John Hancock Life Insurance Company hired him as an agent, at a base pay just $1 a week higher than the jobless benefits, but there was the opportunity to earn commissions. He was promoted to assistant manager after 14 months on the job and when he got married, he was earning $54 a week.

“He said he was going to do it part-time, and the part-time job lasted for 34 years,” says Eunyce.

The Presses are dedicated members of the Harrisburg Jewish community. Eunyce still serves on the Chevra Kadisha of Kesher Israel and is a past president of the PTA of the Silver Academy. She also sits on the board of Kesher Israel Synagogue, where she once held the positions of treasurer and financial secretary. Charlie is a past vice president of the synagogue.

“We are very appreciative and fortunate to have both of them so involved,” says Rabbi Akiva Males, current rabbi of Kesher Israel. The synagogue honored the Presses at a special shabbaton almost three years ago on the occasion of their 65th wedding anniversary. “I’ve been here now seven years and Charlie and Eunyce have been the most consistent members, and the most loyal volunteers,” added Rabbi Males.

The Presses have two children: Dr. William Press, 66, an optometrist in Fredericksburg, Virginia, and Sueann Lehner, a Harrisburg schoolteacher.

Charlie retired from John Hancock in 1980, but came out of retirement to sell tombstones and monuments for Romberger Memorials — a position he held until age 93, when an illness forced him to move into the Jewish Home in April 2013.

However, his indomitable spirit and can-do attitude is still there.

“I’m hoping for a miracle, and maybe I can get out of here,” says Press, whose fighting spirit makes you believe that he will succeed, and whose health has improved since our interview. “You have to go with what you’ve got and make the best of it.”


A Brush with Death

Charlie did experience one brush with death.

“By the time we got to Flossenburg, the fighting had already finished, but before that, we encountered a group of Nazis who faked like they were going to surrender. I was walking with my friend who was carrying a launcher. A German came out of a pit waving a white flag, and we figured it was a surrender. We started to come toward him and he ducks back into his hole and he starts shooting at us, so we had to drop back. That’s when we used our weapons. Eventually, he did surrender and we found a few other Germans inside the same bunker.”

(Originally featured in Mishpacha Issue 531)

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Light in the Valley of Tears https://mishpacha.com/light-in-the-valley-of-tears/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=light-in-the-valley-of-tears https://mishpacha.com/light-in-the-valley-of-tears/#respond Tue, 30 Sep 2014 00:00:00 +0000 http://mishpacha.com/?p=8344 A blind, penniless Holocaust survivor stumbles into England at the end of the war, half his family gone and his prospects nil. But what begins as a tragedy ends in triumph. Hershel Herskovic decided he’d continue living.

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A blind, penniless Holocaust survivor stumbles into England at the end of the war, half his family gone and his prospects nil. But what begins as a tragedy ends in triumph. Hershel Herskovic decided he’d continue living.

 

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ix hundred boys in striped prison clothing and clumsy wooden clogs are roughly shepherded toward their end at the gas chambers of Auschwitz. Accompanied by 25 SS men, the ragged bunch are brought to a halt near the brick building and ordered to undress.

Hershel Herskovic tries to stay calm. Mustering his bravery, he composes a silent prayer: “Afilu cherev chadah… [Even if a sharp sword rests]” upon one’s neck, one should not despair of Hashem’s mercy. He repeats it once. And then again. And then again and again, to calm his nerves.

As they undress amidst a barrage of bloodthirsty blows, their fear gives way to a sad, stark reality. Smoke is belching from a plain looking chimney, a sickening smell they recognize instantly. Boys begin to cry, run around, and beg the sonderkommando for mercy. Some boys recite Viduy, while others sing.

Still, Hershel stays calm. A group of older Greek Jews suddenly joins them. They seem more out of place than the Hungarian boys of Hershel’s group, and even more flustered. Three SS officers appear out of nowhere. “The one in the middle was a doctor,” points out Reb Hershel, 70 years later. “He came flanked by two attendants.”

“All boys line up!” yell the Nazi murderers. One boy at a time, the Nazi officers feel the boys’ muscles for strength. Then they tell them to perform ten knee bends, run to the wall and back, and turn around. The lucky ones are sent to the right, while most of the group remains facing left. There and then, at the gateway to death, 51 boys are instructed to return to the barracks. Hershel Herskovic is one of them. In his rush to rejoin the world of the living, he stumbles out of the building with his unwieldy clogs the wrong way around.

“It was Simchas Torah,” he says, sitting at his son’s dining room table on a recent Jerusalem morning. His childlike smile, like a lighthouse beacon, shines through the angst. With a little prompting from his son, Rav Avrohom, he elaborates: “My birthday! It was as if I was born all over again — I was given back my life as a gift.”

Remembering Munkacz

When I first lay my eyes on Reb Hershel he is browsing through a sefer kodesh with his fingers. Large and heavy with thick dotted pages, the book is printed in Braille. And the realization sinks in slowly…. He is blind. As much as others might enjoy the sight of the brimming joie de vivre that rests on his face, Reb Herskovic does not notice the smiles around him. It is a genuine joy that comes from within. He fills the air with a quiet energy, spinning the tale of a time when things were different.

“I was born in 1927, and was raised in a small house in Munkacs, Czechoslovakia [later to become Hungary, and present day Ukraine] with no running water and pumps in the yard. My father, Avraham Simcha Taub, was a Belzer chassid who owned a flour mill outside of town. (His children were made to take on his wife’s, Sarah Herskovic’s surname, as a civil marriage was illegal with his Galician origin). “Shabbos and Yom Tov were always particularly happy days in the shtetl,” he says.

Born with fully functional eyesight, Reb Hershel’s memories must be vivid. When I ask him if he recalls any dominant influences from his childhood he shakes his head. “There weren’t any. I wasn’t especially close to my parents… I was always strongly independent.”

Independence notwithstanding, young Hershel was clearly imbued with core Jewish values. Close to 17,000 Jews lived in prewar Munkacs, and as the winds of enlightenment and Zionist ideology stormed through Eastern Europe, felling youth from the finest of families, this young man remained solidly rooted in its wake. Only 12 years old when World War II broke out, it wasn’t until 1944 that his childhood days were brought to their brutal close. But throughout his concentration camp tribulations, Reb Hershel’s faith never wavered for a moment. He attributes this to his cheder rebbis, who taught their students stories from Tanach. “The miracles of Yetzias Mitzrayim, Kri’as Yam Suf, Har Sinai… they impacted me greatly. Hashem is always with us….” He breaks out into one of his trademark smiles as he gestures to the space beside him: “Even here!”

If there was one place Reb Hershel remembers fondly from his youth, it was the family mill. The massive waterwheel churning water through the chutes made a pretty site, and he visited it often. The mill was six miles from town, and in the early years of the war, before the Nazis controlled Hungary, the borders around Munkacs were in a constant state of flux. At one point, the border ran right through the area, with Munkacs becoming part of Hungary while the mill remained firmly fixed in Czechoslovakia. As the Hungarian gendarmes made their way through town toward the newest front lines, Hershel slipped into the moving battalion and marched with them all the way to his favorite spot — the flour mill. The mill workers rubbed their eyes in disbelief when they saw Hershel walk jauntily towards them, and his family at home had a hard time figuring out where he had gone.

It was on the cusp of World War II that Reb Hershel became a bona fide yeshivah bochur, joining the ranks of Rav Yaakov Yosef Yungreis’ talmidim in Nyirmada. Always up for adventure, he was a willing emissary for the Rosh Yeshivah, relaying halachic sh’eilos and teshuvos between residents of outlying villages and the Rav, and informing them of the times of the incoming Shabbos.

These little outings weren’t without their risks, as the times were troubled, and many an anti-Semite was on the prowl just waiting to pounce. On one occasion, Hershel and a fellow yeshivah student were accosted by a huddle of fascist youth hungry for action. Finding him in possession of a written teshuvah, the hooligans shlepped him gleefully to the home of the local priest, convinced they had found damning evidence of treason. The priest couldn’t understand the text, but he understood enough to release them, realizing that these were no spies. The teshuvah in question was a response to a local farmer who had asked the Rav if a skunk found in his chicken coop rendered the rest of his chickens treif….

A spunky streak features boldly in Reb Hershel’s narrative, and it is evident that his courage served him well in the turbulent years to come.

From Munkacs to Hell

Reb Hershel Herskovic’s yeshivah bochur status was abruptly terminated. By Purim, 1944, only halfway through his second zeman, the Germans had taken control of Budapest. “The Nazi party simply took over. It was tragic — there was no need for an invasion at all,” says Reb Hershel. Further discriminatory laws were enacted on Hungarian Jewry, a salvo of stinging legal missiles. Things escalated rapidly. Within months, the Jews of Munkacs were rounded up. They were taken first to a ghetto, and from there they were moved to two brick factories on the outskirts of town. Deportations soon followed. Crowded into a small space, facing an uncertain future, the first deportation triggered rising hysteria as doomsayers predicted the worst. The Nazis, feeling that they were losing their grip (willing cooperation was a crucial component to their final solution), cunningly strong-armed the first wave of deportees into writing letters describing the pleasant location they were being taken to. They were then made to leave these missives behind them, littering the floors of the cattle wagons when they alighted at their deathly destination. When the train returned to Munkacs, Jewish subordinates ordered to clean out the train found these fictitious letters and took the placatory news back with them to the Jews still imprisoned in the factory buildings. The tumult within subsided rapidly — and the Germans were free to proceed with the ultimate annihilation of Munkacs with little further resistance.

Reb Hershel was deported with his family on a three-day ride from hell, reaching Auschwitz just days before Shavuos in the spring of 1944 (he still recalls the Hallel recited for Rosh Chodesh Sivan on the train). However ghastly things were on the inside of the train, nothing could have prepared them for what they were about to encounter once the heavy cabin doors slid open. A gruesome stench filled his nostrils, and Jewish workers clad in striped prison garb met them as they were rushed off the train. “I asked one of them where we were,” says Reb Hershel. “Eimek Habocho (valley of tears),” was his grim response.

Initially intact, the Herskovic family was soon dispersed. “At first I was made to stand with my mother and my siblings,” he says. “But three SS officers were facing the crowd on the platform, waiting to signal to us where we should go. Large rough cobblestones paved the ground, making it hard to walk… any thoughts of running were scratched at the start.” It is characteristic of Reb Hershel’s fire for life that he instinctively sought a way — any way — out. “I looked around me,” he said. “Barbed wire surrounded the entire camp. Electrified wire! Even if I could have found a way around that, there were armed gunmen standing in watchtowers placed at intervals of 20 to 30 meters along the fence. I couldn’t escape.”

Hershel Herskovic was sentenced to the right — to life, as was his father, two brothers and his eldest sister. His mother, Chaya Sarah, holding a nine-month-old baby in her arms, was forced to follow Mengele’s ominous finger, directing her to an untimely death. Shortly after, Hershel was separated from his father and his oldest brother, but they were reunited at the end of the war.

“We were 11 children before the Holocaust,” he testifies, pursing his lips. Seven younger siblings were sent to the gas chambers along with his mother. “It was a feeling of total loss,” he says quietly. Nevertheless, he was cautiously optimistic at first, believing the separation was temporary. But after coming in contact with crematorium workers, illusions were shattered. “We learned exactly what had happened to the rest of the family and knew what we were going toward.”

Luckily, due to their age, his group was spared harsh labor. They were sent, instead, under a kapo’s supervision, to do maintenance jobs in an adjacent camp that housed civilian criminals. Since the Aryan inmates could receive parcels from home, they sometimes gave the boys some food. Reb Hershel managed to get by, day by day, surviving through their tender mercies, and by carrying out some of his more audacious survival schemes.

A barrack at one end of the camp housed a company of SS soldiers with a wealth of food at their disposal. Hershel’s stomach grumbled harshly — food was life. He spotted a small window at the corner of the hut, and after careful surveillance, ensuring the field was clear, he sneaked through the window and smuggled some out. “I could have been hung if I was caught,” he acknowledges, “but I did anything I could to gain strength — to survive a few days more”.

His drive to survive was so ferocious, it almost bordered on the reckless.

“I was getting fed up,” he relates. “Auschwitz inmates received their daily food rations through the graces of their block heads — the kapos — and most of the food was appropriated before we ever had a chance to lay our eyes on it! We were left to subsist on mere crumbs.” Reb Hershel decided to approach Mengele and file a formal complaint. “I couldn’t speak German, but I figured Yiddish would do….”

Astonishingly, he is alive to tell the tale. The scene must have been beyond bizarre. A Jewish boy — with a life valued at less than a scampering beetle’s — approaches his murderous archnemesis to complain about the food. “I said I wanted to report criminal activity… that the kapos were undermining the war effort by stealing our rations and weakening the laborers.” Mengele wasn’t convinced by this legal rhetoric. He came right up to the young pipsqueak and let out some nasty obscenities, but he left it at that. He let him go. I query whether Mengele might have been simply stunned into inaction? Reb Hershel only raises his hands and laughs. It remains a mystery.

Losing Light

In January 1945, under the threat of the approaching Russian army, Reb Hershel was forced to join the infamous death marches out of Auschwitz. After being dragged through Blechammer and Mauthausen, he spent the final days of the war in Gunskirchen — where he lived to see liberation. At that point in time, anarchy reigned. Most of the commanding officers had absconded, leaving their prisoners to fend for themselves. They left no provisions, however, and inmates were starving. Days before liberation, Red Cross delegates reached the camp and began distributing food. Bedlam ensued. Reb Hershel got hold of a number of sandwiches that he tried to secure beneath the folds of his clothing, but, unfortunately for him, a crowd of irate inmates attacked him as they tried to release the coveted portions from his grip. A passing SS officer, one of the few left in camp, approached the seething crowd and raised a gun to Reb Hershel’s head as he attempted to maintain order. He didn’t shoot, but instead inflicted heavy blows to the front of Hershel’s skull. “I can feel it now,” he says somberly, raising a palm to his scalp as the memory returns to haunt him. He only experienced some dizziness at the time, but he contracted Typhus soon after. Even though he survived the disease, his eyesight then deteriorated sharply, and he eventually lost it altogether. Since blindness is not a natural result of Typhus, Reb Hershel is convinced that the Nazi’s beating had effectively blinded him.

Trapped

In October 1945, in the aftermath of the war, the Russians closed the border at Munkacs, as it was now part of the Slovakian border. His father managed to persuade the soldiers at the crossing to allow young Hershel through, and he made his way via Prague to the UK. But his father and older brother remained trapped on Russian soil. Throughout the years that followed, Reb Hershel made many attempts to extricate his father from behind the iron curtain, even appearing on the BBC as part of his campaign. “I visited him twice,” he says, adding solemnly: “Today is his yahrtzeit.” After the Six Day War, the USSR relaxed the rules a little, and his brother was allowed to follow him to London though he immigrated, eventually, to Israel. His father, however, remained in Munkacs to the day he died.

Riding Blind

Blind or not, Reb Hershel could not be stopped. Both Reb Avrohom Simche and Reb Dovid Yosef, two of Reb Hershel’s sons, have vivid recollections of riding on their father’s bike as they vacationed in Suffolk, England. “We had a large country house with surrounding grounds,” says Reb Avrohom, and my father would ride down to the village on a tandem bicycle seating us children behind him. When we reached a busy road, my father would pause to ask whether a car was coming from the right or the left. I would direct him and on we went.” Reb Herskovic also possessed a one-seater and had no qualms riding completely solo

He frequently flies alone, too. A stewardess once asked him in a surprised tone of voice, “Are you traveling alone, sir?” “No,” he replied, “I have angels guarding me….”

Leaving his war-ravaged childhood behind, Reb Hershel forged his new path through life with the same fearless spirit that had kept him alive in the camps.

As a young refugee in postwar Britain, Reb Hershel came up against a formidable refugee board keen to set him up for life. Turning a disadvantaged, blind Holocaust survivor into a prosperous lawyer would be a colorful feather in their cap — or so they thought — for a weary tug of war ensued. Flying against their best intentions, Hershel insisted on resuming his yeshivah studies — studies that had been so cruelly cut short by the fires of World War II. At one of his frequent reviews by the refugee board, one of the members remarked that he had come without his walking cane. Hershel pithily replied: “The walking cane is white — the color of surrender, and I have no intention of surrendering!”

He won the upper hand in the end, attending the well-known yeshivah in Staines (a town to the west of London), of which he has fond memories. He did continue from there, however, to study law. It was as an aspiring law student that he met his British-born wife, Daphne Woolf, who approached him at a talk for blind people, offering her help as a reader. This encounter blossomed into an engagement, and they enjoyed a loving marriage until her passing at a young age, in 1978, from cancer. Left with four children — the oldest of whom was only 14 at the time — Reb Hershel kept the family together with his indomitable spirit.

His foray into the legal world proved to be short lived and he soon left law school to start dabbling in rental properties, building up an independent business. Friends were openly skeptical. “How on earth will you check out what you are buying? You can’t see?!!” Unfazed, he replied: “If I can’t see, Hashem will see on my behalf!” In recent years he shares his time between London, Eilat, and Jerusalem.

Celebrations

Considering his double cause for celebration come Simchas Torah, I ask whether Reb Hershel marks this Yom Tov in a personal way. He shakes his head, unassumingly, but his son intervenes. “Every year on Simchas Torah,” he says, “the shul would be agog with dancing, and my father never failed to perform his signature stunt. Waiting for his chance, he would get up onto a table and perform a headstand — just like that, in the middle of shul. That’s when we knew — he was remembering his birthday.” Reb Hershel nods in mischievous agreement. “Yes… it’s true. I did headstands!” And a vibrant smile flashes through the room. “Every ten years I hold a Seudas Hoda’ah in remembrance of my special deliverance,” he adds, and reveals plans to hold the next one, G-d willing, in 2015, to mark his 90th birthday.

A favorite vort of Reb Hershel’s expounds on the verse: “Hashem Elokai yagihah chashki… [Hashem lightens up my darkness]” (Tehillim 18:29). “If Hashem lightens it up, how can it be dark?” he asks, and answers poignantly: “Hashem can spread light within darkness.”

In Reb Hershel’s worldview, evidently, the past holds the key to a promise of a better future. The present is something he obviously cherishes, and as he breaks the bonds of his personal darkness, he lights up the world every time he chooses to smile.

(Originally featured in Mishpacha Issue 529)

 

 

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